Libmonster ID: VN-1310

Vietnam and China are neighboring countries whose mutual relations go back centuries and go back more than two thousand years. Geopolitics and ideology have always influenced the nature of Vietnam-China relations. In ancient times and the Middle Ages, good neighborliness was replaced by wars, there was a period of almost a thousand years of forced entry of Vietnam into the Chinese Empire. Once free, Vietnam remained a nominal vassal and tributary of feudal China until the end of the 19th century. Confucianism, which had dominated Vietnam for centuries, came from China, and Buddhism also penetrated from here. Confucianism has led to the cultural and ideological affinity and commonality of many social institutions in Vietnam and China. It was in Confucian ideology that the form of interstate relations that linked Vietnam with China and was based on Vietnam's recognition of China's cultural and political superiority also found its justification.

Since the twentieth century, Marxism has become widespread in both countries, under the banner of which the Communist Parties of China and Vietnam came to power in their respective countries. Marxism was the official ideology in China and Vietnam, when the neighboring countries experienced periods of" friendship and cooperation", called each other"comrades and brothers". China was on the side of Vietnam (DRV) during the War of Resistance against France (1946-1954) and the American aggression (1964-1973), providing it with great gratuitous assistance. Without the support of the PRC and the USSR, victory in the liberation war and the subsequent reunification of the country would have been very problematic.

Nevertheless, being socialist countries, professing a Marxist ideology, Vietnam and China in the late 70s and early 80s of the XX century found themselves in a state of confrontation, frequent border conflicts, and even a short war in the spring of 1979. At that time, China and Vietnam clashed as two geopolitical forces in the struggle for influence in Indochina and in Southeast Asia as a whole. Geopolitics prevailed over ideology, and the Vietnamese stereotype of China's perception as a " comrade and brother "was replaced by the image of a"direct and dangerous enemy." It seems that the normalization of relations that took place in 1991 after a historically short period of years of estrangement opened a new stage in relations between Vietnam and China, which in other geopolitical conditions to some extent continues the traditions of the 1950s and early 1970s, but has its own features dictated by time.

What factors influence Vietnam's policy towards China today and determine the nature of Vietnam-China relations?

One of the main factors, if not the main one, is the tasks and goals of Vietnam's socio-economic development, which serves the country's foreign policy. Since the mid-1980s and early 1990s, the country has been undergoing a period of "renewal" (doi moi) reforms for 20 years, through the market economy of socialism.-

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The author makes a transition to socialism "in relation to the realities of Vietnam". By 2010, Vietnam decided to put an end to the situation of an underdeveloped country (kem phat trien), raise the material and spiritual level of the people, and by 2020 Vietnam should become a modern industrial country [Nhan Dan, 18.05.2005; 3.02.2005].

It is clear that Vietnam needs normal, good-neighborly relations, first of all with China, to achieve these ambitious tasks. Vietnam is also interested in studying the Chinese experience of building socialism in a market economy, which has given China the first place in Asia in terms of economic growth. Vietnam recognizes the demonstration effect of the Chinese way, which has made "China an object of admiration and study of its experience by many developing countries" [Nhan Dan, 7.04.2003]. The leaders of the CPV-Vietnam declare that the comprehensive sustainable development of relations with China is a consistent policy and the highest priority of Vietnam [VN net, 1.11.2005].

Vietnam, like China, has adjusted its foreign policy strategy in recent years and updated its views on the situation in the world and the region. "We have moved from seeing the world only as an arena of struggle to a more complete view, considering the world to be the environment in which Vietnam exists and develops. We have renewed our foreign policy thinking, the essence of which was "add friends, reduce the number of enemies", and now Vietnam is ready to be a friend, a reliable partner of all countries in the international community, to fight for peace, independence and development..." [Nhan Dan, 31.01.2005].

At the X Congress, the following characteristics of the foreign policy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam at the current stage were given:: "In the field of foreign relations, we are committed to independence, sovereignty, peace, cooperation and development. Our foreign policy is open, multi-vector, and diversified in terms of international relations. Vietnam is a friend and reliable partner of the international community and actively participates in international and regional cooperation. The task of foreign policy is to maintain a climate of peace, create favorable international conditions for the cause of peace, socio-economic development, industrialization, modernization of the country, construction and protection of the Motherland " [Nhan Dan, 19.04.2006].

Basically, Vietnam's policy towards China fits into this paradigm, but China, of course, occupies a special place in it. Thus, speaking about Nong Duc Man's visit to Beijing in August 2006, the first visit abroad after his re - election as General Secretary of the Communist Party Central Committee, Vietnam's Foreign Minister Pham Za Khiem stressed that "this fact shows the importance that the Vietnamese leadership attaches to the development of friendly relations and comprehensive cooperation with China. Relations with China are the highest priority of Vietnam's foreign policy, approved by the X Party Congress " [Nhan Dan, 26.08.2006]. In China, zav. Wang Jiarui, head of the Department of International Relations of the CPC Central Committee, said: "By choosing China as the first destination after being re-elected General Secretary, Nong Duc Man and the party and government leadership have confirmed that they attach great importance to Vietnam-China relations." He expressed confidence that "an important strategic dialogue on deepening friendship and cooperation and advancing the common cause" will also take place during the visit [Nhan Dan, 21.08.2006].

Other factors influencing Vietnam's politics include the "rise of China" and its transformation into a powerful center of world politics. On the one hand, Vietnam believes that this is the center of influence that it can rely on in certain unfavorable international situations. For example, in the confrontation with the West, especially the United States, on issues of human rights, national politics, and political pluralism, Vietnam feels confident, counting on moral support-

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support for China, especially since the positions of Vietnam and China on these issues coincide. In general, ensuring geopolitical balance with the help of China in difficult relations with the United States is an element of the real policy of Vietnam. In the Vietnamese political vocabulary, this is formulated as "difficulties and trials due to unforeseen factors hidden in the global political and economic situation", as well as" changing the strategies of world powers can have a certain impact on the socio-economic situation in our country " [Vietnam, 2003, 2004, 2004, p.39]. On the other hand, the leaders of Vietnam are forced to consider options for the influence of neighboring "rising China" on their country and look for optimal response actions. In other words, Hanoi should respond to Beijing's "Vietnam policy" to the maximum benefit of its national interests. Finally, as a member of ASEAN, Vietnam follows the general line of this regional organization for constructive multilateral cooperation with China, and where the latter's influence is currently extremely high.

We believe that China has shown an increased interest in Vietnam in recent years. Guided by the new strategic concept, it is strengthening its position in Southeast Asia and the entire Asia-Pacific region, considering the region as the main springboard for the transformation of the PRC, in the words of the famous Chinese scholar Hu Angang, from a regional power with global influence to a global power [see: Berger, 2006, p. 133].

As China strives for leadership in the region, it is interested in the loyalty of its neighbor and an authoritative member of ASEAN. But he needs not just a friendly Vietnam, but a Vietnam that does not follow in the wake of US policy, since China has always been afraid of the possibility of a strategic encirclement of the country. The new security vision developed in China in the 1990s includes ensuring a stability belt around it. It is no coincidence that Hu Jintao, while in Hanoi in the fall of 2005, repeated China's foreign policy formula for neighboring countries: "friendship with neighbors, partnership with neighbors, peace with neighbors and mutual prosperity with neighbors." During his official visit to Hanoi in February-March 2002, then-President of the People's Republic of China Jiang Zemin said that China needs a" strong and prosperous " Vietnam. "As its closest neighbor, China wants to see Vietnam stable. Long-term stability in our relations serves as an important guarantee for strengthening bilateral mutual understanding and helps us jointly develop our countries, " he said [ITAR-TASS, 9.03.2002]. For China, Vietnam is also interesting as a country whose successful example, given the similarity of development models, can be used to promote its experience for developing countries. Finally, the leaders of Vietnam and China, led by the Communist parties, point out ideology as a factor that largely determines the positions of both countries in relation to each other.

Let's try to examine the post-1991 relations between Vietnam and China mainly from the point of view of ideology and, partly, geopolitics.

In the years after the normalization of inter-state and inter-party relations (1991), which took place primarily due to the radical geopolitical changes in the world due to the collapse of the USSR, Vietnam and China have developed a strong tradition of annual meetings of the leaders of both countries. By 2005, both sides had signed several (about 10) important joint statements and declarations, which set out the principles of bilateral relations and cooperation plans, as well as developed a number of concrete measures to fill these plans with real content. At the same time, the ideological closeness of both parties and states has always been emphasized by their leaders as a factor in the development and strengthening of bilateral relations and giving them a "special" character.

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The legal framework that defines the format of relations between Vietnam and China in the modern period has become 16 characters, or Vietnamese words, denoting the course developed by the top leaders of both countries in 1999, the motto of which is" good neighborly relations, comprehensive cooperation, long - term stability, striving for the future " [Nhan Dan, 28.02.1999]. This formula, which replaces the documents adopted in international law, reflects the specifics of the political cultures of the two Asian countries, which are connected by centuries-old, albeit extremely contradictory, relations. Perhaps the formula "encrypted" in 16 hieroglyphs is just an example of the stratagem thinking inherent in representatives of the East Asian Confucian cultural area, which M. L. Titarenko wrote about and other Orientalists agree with [Titarenko, 2003, p. 121].

As you can see, Vietnam and China do not have a treaty in the generally accepted sense of the word that would fix the nature of relations between these two countries. Vietnam and China have not officially declared themselves strategic partners. The word partner itself was missing from the 16-character document. However, despite the seemingly amorphous text of the document, such a phrase as "comprehensive cooperation" opens up wide opportunities for agreements and mutual understanding in various areas, from ideology and culture to security and defense.

And already during the visit of the Chairman of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam Tran Duc Luong to China in December 2000, the parties signed a joint statement on comprehensive cooperation in the new century, specified the formula of 16 characters, and outlined ways to develop relations in all areas. Vietnam and China agreed to build relations in the spirit of the "four good things": "good neighbors, good friends, good comrades, good partners" []. The formula "four is good", in contrast to" 16 hieroglyphs", quite clearly implied the ideological component of relations. The words "good comrades" were a reminder of the time when Vietnamese and Chinese were "comrades and brothers," and Ho Chi Minh and his associates worked closely with the CCP at various stages of the Vietnamese revolution.

As if to confirm the renewed camaraderie between the parties, Hu Jintao (then Vice-President of the People's Republic of China), at the head of the CPC delegation, attended the ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam in April 2001, calling it a congress of intellectuals, democratic and victorious, giving an idea of the successful construction of socialism led by the Communist Party, whose goal is to turn Vietnam a country with a rich people and a fair, democratic and civilized society. Hu Jintao said that developing cooperation and strengthening good neighborliness is important not only for building socialism in both countries, but also for peace and stability in Asia and the world and the progress of all mankind [Nhan Dan, 25.04.2001].

In December 2001, Nong Duc Man, who was elected General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee at the ninth Congress of the Communist Party of China, visited Beijing in the spirit of the "four cities" and focused on the ideological aspect.He called it "historic" in an interview with Xinhua [Nhan Dan, 6.12.2001]. During the meeting, Vietnam and China agreed on five common positions based on a common ideology: 1) continue and increase the exchange of party and government delegations at the highest level; 2) expand cooperation in the field of the theory of building socialism in the new conditions, sharing the experience of opening-up reforms (China), Doi Moi (Vietnam); 3) increase cooperation in international and regional forums; 4) expand economic cooperation, trade, cooperation in science and technology, culture and education;

1 Literally - "friendly neighborhood".

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5) accelerate work on land border demarcation, as well as on the implementation of the agreement on delimitation in the Bay of Bakbo and cooperation in fisheries.

Communist Party Central Committee Secretary Vu Khoan, who accompanied Nong Duc Man on a trip to Beijing, cited the institution of high-level meetings between the parties as one of the reasons for the apparent improvement in relations between Vietnam and China. "This can be called a victory in the development of relations between the two countries after normalization. The top leaders agreed to preserve and develop this tradition" [Nhan Dan, 5.12.2001]. He also described Nong Duc Man's meeting with seven members of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee as "unprecedented in the practice of a friendly Party [CCP], thus emphasizing the special attitude of the Chinese side towards Vietnam" [ibid.].

Immediately after the General Secretary of the CPV Central Committee, Nong Duc Man, a member of the PB of the CPV Central Committee, Nguyen Khoa Diem, went to Beijing at the invitation of the CPC Central Committee. There, he met with senior Chinese Communists and studied the CCP's experience in propaganda and socialism theory. Highly appreciating the CCP's level of ideology and culture, Nguyen Khoa Diem stressed the need for close Vietnamese-Chinese cooperation in ideological work and theory, which, in his words, "gives Vietnamese Communists additional confidence in the victory of socialism in the country" [Nhan Dan, 22.12.2001]. "The ideological work carried out by the CPV serves to strengthen the spirit of solidarity between the two parties and peoples," said Nguyen Khoa Diem [ibid.]. On the Chinese side, Li Peng, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, stressed that in the context of building socialism, new creative discoveries in ideology are required. "Both our parties attach great importance to this work, so we should exchange experience and learn from each other" [Nhan Dan, 22.12.2001].

It is in this context that we should evaluate the series of scientific and theoretical conferences organized by the CCP and the CPV, where Vietnamese and Chinese Communists exchanged experience in the theory and practice of building socialism in their countries.

In June 2000, a conference on "Socialism: General and special" (cai pho bien va cai dac thu) was held in Beijing. Its continuation in November 2000 in Hanoi was the scientific conference "Socialism: the experience of Vietnam, the experience of China", with the participation of members of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee and the CPV, who made the main reports. The report entitled "The Communist Party of Vietnam builds socialism through reforms doi moi" was made by a member of the PB of the CPV Central Committee, rector of the State Political Academy named after him. Ho Chi Minh City Nguyen Duc Binh. The author of the report on "China and the World at the beginning of the XXI century: Chances and Challenges" was a member of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, Director of the Institute of Sociology of the People's Republic of China Ly Thiet Anh [Nhan Dan, 12.11.200; 13.11.2000]. At the conference, both speakers paid special attention to party building in a market economy, the leadership role of the CPV and the CPC in the process of its reform, and the idea was expressed that the topic of building socialism is important not only for Vietnam and China, since "socialism is the new society to which all mankind will come" [Nhan Dan, 12.11.2000]. From the report of Nguyen Duc Binh, we can also draw a conclusion about the special mission of the saviors of world socialism, which, according to the author, history has assigned to the CCP and the CPV. "The collapse of the Soviet Union, the most powerful stronghold of socialism, radically changed the balance of power in the world in favor of capitalism, imperialism. The world Socialist movement, of which the Vietnam Revolution is a part, faced a colossal and unprecedented challenge. For the first time since the Second World War, the question of the fate of world socialism has been raised directly and acutely" [Nhan Dan, 13.11.2000].

The conference "Socialism and the Market Economy - the Chinese Experience and the Vietnamese Experience" organized by the CPC and the CPV in Beijing on October 8-9, 2003, was hailed in China and Vietnam as "a fundamental theoretical event of great practical significance". On it, Vietnamese and Chinese participants proved their objectivity-

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the need for a market economy and talked about its achievements within the framework of the socialist system in their countries, as well as outlined many theoretical and practical issues that need to be further studied in the reform process in each country [Vietnam's Urgent Issues, 2004, p. 33-45].

Another joint Vietnam-China scientific and theoretical conference at the level of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee and the CPV in Hanoi in February 2004 was devoted to this task on the theme "Building a ruling Party - Vietnam's experience, China's experience". During the discussion, both sides stressed the need for a creative attitude towards Marxism-Leninism, which is an integral part of the ideology of each party, as well as its further development taking into account the reality of Vietnam and China [Nhan Dan, 19.02.2004; 10.03.2004]. Head of the Chinese delegation at the conference, member of the PB of the CPC Central Committee He Guoqiang (On Quoc Cu'ong-vietn. When speaking about Vietnam, he explicitly linked the concept of "socialism "and what is defined in Vietnam as" a rich people, a powerful country, a just society, democratic and civilized", putting an equal sign between them [Nhan Dan, 18.02.2004]. This was also stated by Jia Qinglin, a member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, chairman of the National Committee of the People's Political Consultative Conference of China of the 10th convocation, who led a delegation to Vietnam in March 2006 on the eve of the X Congress of the CPC. He expressed confidence in the success of the congress, as well as in the fact that the people of Vietnam, under the leadership of the CPV, will continue to successfully advance towards the goal of building a socialist Vietnam, where "the people are rich, the country is powerful, the society is just, democratic and civilized" [Nhan Dan, 22.03.2006].

This was of fundamental importance, since there are differences of opinion within the Vietnamese party elite on this issue: some party members considered this formulation to be an alternative rather than the goal of building socialism. By the way, China also uses a similar rhetoric: by the middle of the XXI century. China intends to become "a rich, powerful democratic, civilized socialist, and modern state" (Problemy Dalnego Vostoka, 2006, No. 4, p. 64).

In subsequent years, the leaders of Vietnam and China have consistently emphasized the conceptual commonality in the field of ideology as a cementing factor in bilateral relations. The commonality of views of the Vietnamese and Chinese leaders as the main thing in a wide range of issues of Vietnam-China cooperation was emphasized by Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, who visited Vietnam in 2004 [Nhan Dan, 11.10.2004].

The business visit of Nong Duc Man, General Secretary of the CPI Central Committee, to Beijing in April 2003 at the invitation of the new Chinese leadership, Hu Jintao - Wen Jiabao, is a combination of ideological and geopolitical issues with a preponderance of the latter. The agreed areas of cooperation covered a wide range of familiar issues, from "enhancing cooperation in theory" to economics and trade, but contacts and exchanges of views on "international issues of interest to both sides" revealed the geostrategic aspect of the meeting and its thinly disguised anti-American orientation. The visit of the Vietnamese leader took place against the backdrop of the US-initiated war in Iraq in March 2003 with vague motivation and bypassing the UN, and clearly demonstrated Vietnam's proximity to China under the circumstances.

An editorial in the Nyan Zan newspaper titled "Raise Vietnam-China friendly cooperation even higher" said that the visit of CPV Secretary General Nong Duc Man to China shows that " Vietnam, pursuing an independent and multi-vector foreign policy, attaches special importance to relations with social countries and neighbors that share common interests with Vietnam." border... The visit of the Supreme Leader of the Communist Party of China, which took place after the 16th CPC Congress, confirms the consistent work of the Communist Party of China.

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Vietnam's policy, which considers it necessary and important to increase mutual trust between the Parties and peoples of the two countries... "[Nhan Dan, 7.04.2003]. On the front page, next to the article about Nong Duc Man's visit, the newspaper published an article "The US authorities should not talk to Vietnam about human rights" with sharp criticism of Washington, which " unleashed the war in Iraq, seriously violating the UN Charter and international law. The whole world condemns the inhumane and barbaric actions against the population of Iraq, which are precisely the grossest violation of human rights " [Nhan Dan, 7.04.2003].

Describing the visit of Nong Duc Man (April 7-11, 2003)," Nyan zan "emphasized the" spirit of camaraderie, fraternity", in which the exchange of experience in studying the theory and practice of building socialism, building a party took place... state governance in the era of reforms... "In a complex and changing international environment, both sides believe that all countries should respect the UN Charter and the basic principles of international law. The visit confirmed that the development of relations of friendship and cooperation between Vietnam and China meets the national interests of both countries and contributes to the stabilization of the situation in the Asia-Pacific region" [Nhan Dan, 12.04.2003].

On July 2-12, 2003, the 8th Plenum of the CPV Central Committee (9th convocation) was held in Hanoi, where the resolution "On the strategy for protecting the Motherland in new circumstances" was adopted [Vietnam, 2003, 2004..., p. 60]. It is safe to assume that the resolution was a reaction to the new situation in the world in connection with the war in Iraq, and proposed specific tactical changes in the foreign policy of Vietnam, including in the direction of further rapprochement with China. In 2003, Vietnam and China signed agreements on security cooperation (September 2003) between the relevant departments and through the Ministries of Defense of both countries (October 2003) [Thong tin co'ban...].

As we can see, the absence of special bilateral agreements, such as on strategic partnership, does not mean that Vietnam and China do not have common approaches to international policy issues of mutual interest.

During Hu Jintao's stay in Hanoi (from October 31 to November 2, 2005), the two sides moved much further in this direction, as if adding important new components to the official "course of 16 characters". The joint declaration (paragraph 7) explicitly states that " Vietnam and China have common strategic interests on many important issues that are imperatives of the modern era. Both sides stand for diversity in international issues, multilateral cooperation on the basis of equality, mutual respect, and against terrorism in any form... for respect for the culture, social order, and development model of countries, as well as for the diversity of civilizations in the world, for the democratization of international relations, for the joint development of the Asian region, as well as for a harmonious world, as well as lasting peace and shared prosperity" [VN Express..., 2.11.2005].

Hu Jintao, in his speech to the National Assembly of Vietnam on November 1, 2005, emphasized the "common ideology" that connects Vietnam and China: "Two peoples - Chinese and Vietnamese-are united by mountains and rivers, they share the same culture, they share a common ideology, and their interests are intertwined... In the cause of revolution and the construction of socialism, we work together in practical matters and together enrich the theory and practice of building socialism in each country" [VN net/vn.service, 2.11.2005].

Indeed, there is no doubt that the idea of socialism is a link between China and Vietnam, between the ruling parties - the CCP and the CCP. Therefore, it seems that the Vietnamese leaders were impressed that the key word in Hu Jintao's speech was "socialism", as in relation to China ("socialism with China-

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socialism in accordance with the conditions of the country), and in relation to Vietnam (building socialism in accordance with the conditions of the country). Hu Jintao spoke of socialism as an irreversible course of development for both countries [VN net/ vn. service, 2.11.2005].

The emphasis on "socialism" as the only correct path chosen by the CCP and CPV in the speech of the Chinese leader gave the Vietnamese leaders additional confidence and confirmation of the legitimacy of the one-party regime in the eyes of their own people and those of its representatives from among the pro-Western opposition, who in the run-up to the X Congress of the CPV increased criticism. Just as important, Hu Jintao's remarks about socialism in Hanoi were a cautionary message to those Vietnamese party workers who are "apostates" from socialism and prefer to see the Doi Moi reforms as an alternative.

An article by the aforementioned Nguyen Duc Binh, who participated in the discussion on the eve of the 10th Congress of the CPV in the pages of the newspaper "Nyan Zan", tells about the unfavorable situation inside the CPV2, about the confusion and vacillation on the issue of socialism, Marxism-Leninism. "After the coup in the USSR and Eastern Europe, some comrades began to waver, partially losing faith in the ideals [of socialism], some changed their views, some even declared a "divorce" from these ideals, repented, and switched to another camp... Some personnel workers, especially middle-level ones, are ashamed and embarrassed when they have to talk about socialism, they are afraid to look dogmatic, conservative, so to speak, not "doi moi", perhaps they think that "doi moi" implies the rejection of socialism, the rejection of Marxism-Leninism! " [Nhan Dan, 23.02.2006]. Meanwhile, in November 2000, speaking at a joint conference with the Chinese Communists, Nguyen Duc Binh recalled that back in 1989, the Chinese Communist Party had already been involved in the conflict. The CPV clearly stated that "doi moi" is not a substitute for socialism, but something that allows us to better achieve this goal through adequate concepts, forms, methods and steps [Nhan Dan, 13.11.2000]. From the point of view of Nguyen Duc Binh, "the decline of faith in socialism is the main issue that needs to be resolved in the ideological life of the party today" [Nhan Dan, 23.02.2006]. In his article, he demanded that the CPV leadership put the question clearly and fundamentally at the X Congress: "Is our country following the road of socialism or not?" [Nhan Dan, 23.02.2006].

Disagreements in the party environment on the key issues of socialism in Vietnam were discussed at the X Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam (April 2006). In its materials, it was noted that a considerable part of cadres and party members have the same problems ... "there are still signs of deviation from the goal and ideal of socialism" [Dang Cong San Viet Nam..., 2006, p. 22]. It is no coincidence that the PB of the CPC Central Committee's welcome telegram to the Tenth Congress expressed "firm confidence that it will become a congress of unity and victory" [Nhan Dan, 19.04.2006].

Both Vietnam and China are fighting what they call "the destructive influence of the West." In both countries, at the official level, they speak of such a danger as" peaceful transformation "or" peaceful evolution", i.e., about the" immutability of the strategic plans of hostile forces " that seek the rebirth of the socialist system in both countries. In Vietnam, the thesis of forces threatening the existing system was repeated year after year at the CPV congresses: at the VIII-in 1996, IX-in 2001, and X-in April 2006. "Hostile forces still cherish plans to carry out a 'peaceful transformation', provoke unrest, use the map of 'democracy', "human rights", "national and religious issue", hope to change the political system in our country " [Nhan Dan, 19.04.2006].

2 At the X Congress, it was announced that the Communist Party of Vietnam has more than 3.1 million members. [Dang Cong San Viet Nam..., 2006, p. 5].

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The lack of unity among the Vietnamese Communists in their approach to such key concepts as socialism in its Vietnamese version, other internal problems, as well as the "danger from outside" threatening the political system, make the supporters of socialism, which includes the top leadership of the Communist Party, turn to cooperation with China primarily on these fundamental vital issues.

Marxism as an ideological platform for building socialism is a factor in bringing Vietnam and China closer together. The leaders of the two countries not only do not renounce Marxism, but, on the contrary, claim that they are developing it, and even talk about the "breakthrough" of both parties in the Marxist ideology, which supplemented it with some significant (different in the CPC and CPV) ideas and concepts. In China, the party's ideological platform is considered not only Marxism-Leninism, but also the ideas of Mao Zedong, the theory of Deng Xiaoping (since 1997), as well as the "triple representation ideas" (since 2002) associated with the name of Jiang Zemin. In Vietnam, the ideological basis of the Party is Marxism-Leninism and the ideas of Ho Chi Minh (since 1991, the seventh Congress of the CPV). This formulation was repeated unchanged at the X Congress of the CPV in April 2006 [Nhan Dan, 19.04.2006]. Vietnamese politicians speak of Ho Chi Minh's ideas as an integral system of concepts on the main issues of the Vietnamese revolution [Nhan Dan, 05.12.2005]. "Ho Chi Minh's ideas are a comprehensive and deep system of views on the fundamental issues of the Vietnamese revolution-the result of the application and creative development of Marxism-Leninism in the specific conditions of Vietnam, the perception and development of the glorious traditional values of the nation and the cultural heritage of humanity" [Dang Cong San Viet Nam..., 2001, p. 20].

Both in China and Vietnam, the authorities are building a whole system of arguments in favor of the lack of alternatives to the Communist Party as a ruling force, especially in a market economy. The main reason for maintaining the leadership role of the Communist Party in society is the progressive development of the Vietnamese and Chinese economies - the most dynamic economies in Asia today. Vietnam, which confidently ranks second after China in terms of economic growth, averaged 7.5% economic growth in 2001-2005 [Nhan Dan, 19.04.2006]. Vietnamese leaders are constantly talking about increasing the role of the party. "The practice of the past 20 years confirms that the leading role of the party is the determining factor of all the victories in the reforms of renewal and the entire revolutionary cause of our people. In the conditions of a market economy, openness and integration, it is objectively necessary to further assert the leading role of the party, considering it a fundamental, vital issue, a guarantee of the country's development along the path of socialist orientation. Without the party, there will be no building of socialism " [Nhan Dan, 31.01.2005].

In China, at the 4th plenum of the 16th CPC Central Committee in September 2004, it was stated that turning the CPC into a ruling party was "the choice of history, the choice of the people, and strengthening its ability to govern is a requirement of the era, a requirement of the people." Hu Jintao's speech at the plenum, as noted by Western political analysts, was dominated by rhetoric that has already been forgotten in recent years in China. He attacked the proponents of "bourgeois liberalization", compared the proponents of political reforms to the creators of unrest, and spoke positively about Cuba and the DPRK, where ideology and the media are under control, and the political line is correct [Saich, 2006, p.39]. Since this speech was not published, it is not known whether Vietnam was mentioned in it. In Vietnam itself, ideologists immediately reacted to the decisions of this plenum, emphasizing: "The Plenum declared 'the need to build socialism', since only socialism can save China " [Nhan Dan, 31.01.2005].

In both Vietnam and China, the political class is dominated by the view that the legitimacy of the CCP and CCP's rule is confirmed by the results of reforms that, like the UPR, have been implemented.-

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It was mentioned that China has been successfully operating for 25 years, and Vietnam has been successfully operating for 20 years. The 10th Congress of the CPV (April 2006) was held under the banner "To increase the leadership potential and fighting strength of the party, to develop the power of science, to promote comprehensive renewal, and to put an end to the state of an underdeveloped country ahead of schedule (i.e., before 2010)" [Nhan Dan, 19.04.2006]. As mentioned above, since November 2002, the CCP has been officially guided by the" important ideas of triple representation "along with Marxism-Leninism, the "ideas of Mao Zedong" and the "Deng Xiaoping theory" canonized in 1997. The very "ideas of triple representation" mean that the CCP "represents the demands of the development of China's advanced productive forces, the progressive direction of China's advanced culture, and the fundamental interests of the broadest strata of the Chinese people" [cit. by: China: Threats..., 2005, p. 71]. In Vietnam, the Communist Party is the vanguard of the working class and at the same time the vanguard of the working people and the entire Vietnamese nation. It is a faithful representative of the interests of the working class and the entire nation [Dang Cong San Viet-Nam..., 2006, p. 130]. As we can see, both parties claim to represent the interests of the entire people (Vietnam) and the broadest strata of the people (China).

Attention is drawn to the new interpretation of the content of the class struggle by Vietnamese ideologists. According to it, the struggle of contradictions is being replaced by the harmonization of interests, which confirms, in particular, the permission of Vietnamese Communists to engage in entrepreneurship. By the way, this" innovation " was not supported by the part of the Vietnamese political elite that saw it as a departure from the class principle of Marxism. "Why do entrepreneurs want to join the party? Do they want to voluntarily abandon their class and sacrifice everything for the sake of the ideals of the communist system, where there is no exploitation of man? On the contrary, they go to the party to lean on the authorities and do their own business. We know that now power and capital, capital and power easily merge... And it is extremely unreasonable to think that by admitting all the bourgeoisie to the party, we will expand the mass social base for the socialist revolution! The masses of the working people, all the armed forces-the children of the workers and peasants-will ask us: Who are you a party of? " [Nhan Dan, 23.02.2006].

The main content of the class struggle, according to Vietnamese ideologists, at the current stage is " the victorious completion of the cause of industrialization and modernization of the socialist orientation ... fight against the destructive designs and actions of hostile forces, defend national independence, and transform Vietnam into a socialist prosperous country with a happy people." The main driving force for Vietnam's development along this path is declared to be "great national solidarity based on the union of workers, peasants and intellectuals under the leadership of the party, the harmonization of the interests of the individual, the collective and society, the development of the potentials of all sectors of the economy, the whole society" [Dang Cong San Viet-Nam..., 2001, p.86].

In China, the Constitution was amended in 2004, where the right to private property is called "sacred and inalienable". In Vietnam, the attitude towards property has also been revised: the exaggeration of the role of public property in the past and the perception of private property as non-socialist have been recognized as erroneous. The authorities declared the need to put an end to discrimination based on class, called for creating an atmosphere of emancipation, mutual trust, and aspiration for the future. The harmonization of social and collective interests with personal interests is considered by Vietnamese ideologists to be one of the main driving forces for the development of society. As the Vietnamese political scientist Le Huu Nghia wrote in his article "Theoretical views on socialism and the path to socialism in Vietnam", "we can say that the success of the Doi Moi reforms is due to the fact that we have become more concerned with the specific personal interests of workers" [Nhan Dan, 5.12.2005].

Recognition of the Vietnamese Communists as erroneous inattention to the demand for the development of productive forces during the transition period and at the same time exaggerating

page 109

The role of industrial relations seems to echo the CCP's doctrine of triple representation, which means "relying on the private sector, which has the most advanced and efficient productive forces in its hands." In order for the CCP to become a representative of their interests, a decision was made on the possibility of entrepreneurs ' membership in it [China: Threats..., 2005, p. 71; Nhan Dan, 31.01.2005].

Of course, there is no reason to say that in Vietnam, as in China, the concept of harmony, or" hai hoa", has become the main element of politics or political culture, but there, both on the theoretical and practical levels, the desire of the political class for a harmonious, balanced development of the country is obvious.

In general, Hu Jintao's ideas about building a harmonious socialist society in China are in line with the goals set by the Vietnamese leaders. Both in China and Vietnam, the authorities try to demonstrate a high degree of association with the interests of the country, the interests of the people. In Vietnam, in the interpretation of the X Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, socialism is considered as a society where the people are rich, the country is powerful, where justice, democracy, and civilization reign, where the people are the master, where a highly developed modern economy, and an advanced culture with national characteristics... [Dang Cong San Viet-Nam..., 2006, pp. 17-18]. If there are certain nuances, the identity of the approaches of the CPV and the CPC to building socialism in their respective countries is obvious.

Vietnam and China have identical approaches to such concepts as" socialist democracy"," rule of law"," human rights", international economic integration (globalization), etc." Socialist democracy is the essence of the political system in our country, a guarantee that power belongs to the people " - according to Vietnam. And in China, the development of socialist democracy is one of the main directions in the CCP's activities in the context of its proclaimed policy " man is the basis of everything "[Nhan Dan, 31.01.2005; China: Threats..., p. 80]3.

Thus, a common ideological platform is a powerful factor in bringing Vietnam and China closer together. Given the" disequilibrium " of the two countries, Vietnam today seems to need China more than China needs Vietnam. Vietnam can hardly continue to be a successful country with the Communist Party at its head, leading the construction of socialism, if for some reason it loses the support of China. At the X Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, it was stated that Vietnam "is moving towards socialism side by side with the advanced countries of the world" [Dang Cong San Viet-Nam..., 2006, p.10]. Who, if not China, was first of all meant by the authors of the materials of the X Congress of the Communist Party of China?

This raises the question of why the leaders of the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of China continue to insist on Marxism-Leninism despite the unfavorable international situation, claiming that they are creatively developing it (practically adapting Marxism to the specific conditions of their countries), and finally do not change the names of their parties, although proposals of this kind in the past few years have They were received at different times from members of the political class in both countries.4
Lee Kuan Yew, a former prime minister and now minister-mentor of the Singapore government, explained this in an interview with the Russian newspaper Vedomosti: "I think that a sudden transition from a monolithic political structure - the Communist Party and no other-to a system of parties where there is a center, right and left, in a short time not possible... People need time for ideas to crystallize-

3 Ho Chi Minh drew attention to the fact that" democracy "- dan chu in Vietnamese-literally means "people-master" [Nhan Dan, 19.05.2005].

4 The CPV Charter, amended and supplemented at the IX Congress in April 2001, states that the party's goal is to build socialism and then communism in Vietnam [Nhan Dan, 24.04.2001].

page 110

If you have already registered, you need time to identify yourself and your interests with a certain political group." Lee Kuan Yew, criticizing the Russian experience of introducing democracy through "shock therapy", said: "I believe that the Chinese acted wiser" [Vedomosti, 26.10.2005]. Lee Kuan Yew wrote about Vietnam in his book "Singapore's History: from the "Third" World to the First":: "It will take some time for the Vietnamese to throw off the Communist straitjacket and start moving freely and flexibly. I have no doubt that as soon as this happens, the Vietnamese will show what they are capable of" [Lee Kuan Yew, 2005, p. 300].

Does this mean that in China and Vietnam they are waiting for other non-socialist ideas to crystallize in society and form a certain political group with which the communist parties, having abandoned Marxism, can identify themselves?

The fact that the new leadership in China seriously links the country's further development with socialism and Marxism is clearly indicated by the leadership of the CCP itself. In September 2004, during the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Chinese Parliament (NPC), Hu Jintao stated: "History has confirmed that China's adoption of the Western political system model is a dead end" [People's Daily, 16.09.2004]. Hu Jintao increasingly speaks of the limited possibilities of the "Western liberal project"as a sign of his commitment to socialist ideals. At the APEC summit in Hanoi in November 2006, he acted as an advocate for developing countries, for reducing the gap in the development levels of poor and rich countries, and for deepening South-South cooperation [Problems of the Far East, 2007, No. 1, p. 64]. Russian expert A. Anisimov believes that in China, the liberalization of the economy and society has its limits, where "the forgotten word 'socialism' began to be mentioned again, and in the autumn of 2005 they started talking about the study of Marxism. And this is far from accidental" [Anisimov]. Hu Jintao was also described in the United States as a "strong Leninist leader" (Saich, 2006, p. 37).

Nguyen Phu Trong, a prominent Vietnamese politician who became President of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam after the X Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, wrote the article " Why does the Communist Party of Vietnam remain loyal to Marxism-Leninism?" Unlike Lee Kuan Yew and others who consider changes in the socio-political system of China and, by analogy, probably Vietnam only a matter of time, the main idea of Nguyen Phu Trong's article is the inseparability of the concepts of Marxism-Leninism, socialism and the continued existence of the Vietnamese statehood itself. Fending off the attacks of those opponents who "loudly shout and demand that the CPV discard Marxism-Leninism before it is too late", and those who, on the contrary, believe that " the CPV has long finished with Marxism-Leninism and socialism, and only maneuvers to save face, while maintaining its commitment to Marxism-Leninism in words The author believes that all the main successes of the national development of modern Vietnam were "achieved precisely due to the creative application and development of Marxism by the Communist Party of Vietnam in the specific historical conditions of the country" [Nguyen Phu Trong, 2004, p. 258,268]. "For our country, there is no other political course than national independence and socialism... Objectively, any other path, for example, social democracy, which some people so dream of, although disguised, will eventually lead our people to backwater capitalism, and then we will eventually not escape the fate of slavery or dependence on the reactionary imperialist forces of the new neocolonialism, " says the aforementioned Nguyen Duc Binh [Nhan Dan, 23.02.2006].

At the 10th CPV Congress (April 2006), General Secretary Nong Duc Man, who was re-elected to this post, said that the first of the five lessons that the party has learned over 20 years of reforms is that " in the process of renewal, we must firmly adhere to the goal of national unity."-

page 111

independence and socialism based on Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh's ideas " [Nhan Dan, 19.04.2006]. "Renewal does not mean abandoning the goal of socialism, it contributes to a more correct awareness and more effective construction of socialism. Renewal does not mean a departure from Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh's ideas, it means their correct understanding, creative application and development; it means that Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh's ideas are the ideological foundation of the party and the compass in revolutionary activity, " says the political report of the X Congress of the CPV [Dong Cong San Viet-Nam..., 2006, p. 70].

Carlyle Thayer, a Vietnam expert based in Australia, described Nong Duc Man as "an ideological centrist whose goal is to keep the CPV in power, not to destroy it... Dissidents or the emerging entrepreneurial class will not shake the foundation of the one-party system in the foreseeable future "[Thayer, 2003, p. 321]. Nguyen Tan Dung and Nguyen Minh Chiet, who were nominated by the X Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam for the posts of Prime Minister and President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, are also described by Western analysts as economic reformers, but political orthodox, supporters of the Chinese development model [The New York Times, 19.06.2006].

list of literature

Anisimov A. N. The Chinese counterweight to the United States: Myths and reality (Chinese power today and tomorrow). http:world crisis/192044. ru/crisis.

China: Threats, Risks, Challenges to Development, Moscow: Carnegie Moscow Center, 2005.
Lee Kuan Yew Singapore's history: from the "third" world to the first. Moscow: MGIMO-Universitet Publ., 2005.

Dang Cong San Viet-Nam Van Kien Dai Hoi Dai Bieu Toan Quoc Lan Thu IX. Ha Noi 2001.

Dang Cong San Viet-Nam Van Kien Dai Hoi Dai Bieu Toan Quoc Lan thu X. Ha Noi 2006.

Titarenko M. L. Russia: security through collaboration. East-Asian vector, Moscow, 2003.
Tsvetov P. Yu. Teoriya i praktika delovogo obshcheniya s Vietnamese [Theory and Practice of business communication with Vietnamese]. Politicheskaya kul'tura i delovaya ethika stran Vostoka, Moscow, 2006.
Nguyen Phu Trong. Vietnam on the Path of Renewal. Hanoi, 2004.

Saich Tony. China in 2005. Hu's in Charge // Asian Survey. 2006. N 1.

Thayer Carlyle A. Vietnam. The Stewardship of Nong Due Manh // South Asian Affairs. 2003. Inst, of SEA Studies Singapore, 2003.

Jhong tin coban ve Trung Quoc va quan he Viet Nam-Trung Quoc (Basic information about China and Vietnam-China Relations //

Tuyen bo Chung Viet Nam - Trung Quoc // Nhan Dan. 28.02.1999.

Viet Nam net. vn/service, 2.11.2005.

Viet Nam net.

VN Express, Tuyen bo chung Viet Nam // Trung Quoc. 2.11.2005.


Vedomosti (M). Zhenmin zhibao. Problems of the Far East. Nhan Dan.


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