One of the largest modern Russian sinologists, Lev Petrovich Delyusin, was formed as a scientist against the background and in close connection with the history of the country to which he devoted more than half a century of his research activities. After graduating from the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies in 1950, he was engaged in journalism for almost 10 years, and from 19: 59 he switched to scientific work. From 1967 to 1970 and from 1972 to 1990, he was Head of the China Department of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Currently, L. P. Delyusin is a Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Chief Researcher at the Institute of International Economic and Political Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

In the works of L. P. Delyusin, the most topical issues of his time were analyzed. His first works were devoted to the gigantic transformations that took place on the eve of the formation of the new China, the latter are among the most acute problems of our days. At the same time, L. P. Delyusin's approach to the subject of study was largely determined by the changes that took place in our country, in the fate of the scientist himself and his inner circle.

Scientific creativity of L. P. Delyusin is very multifaceted. In this sense, it is a continuation of the traditions of previous generations of Russian Orientalists who sought to know the countries of the East in the integrity of their history and modern existence, in the unity of their culture, social organization, economic life, and political system.

At the same time, no matter how diverse and versatile the research interests of a scientist are, one can single out the main interest in his search, which became the incentive for all his scientific activities and the generator of the main ideas. The leitmotif of L. P. Delyusin's work is the analysis of social, political, and ideological problems that accompany China's transition from patriarchy and feudalism to a modern society. In his numerous works, L. P. Delyusin scrupulously examines the main stages of this world-historical process, its driving forces and contradictions, objective and subjective factors, as well as achievements and costs, losses, victims, sometimes unavoidable, and sometimes completely in vain. Special attention of the scientist is drawn to the ideological and political confrontation unfolding around the ways and methods of China's modernization. This confrontation in recent decades has been particularly closely linked to the fate of socialism, the attitude towards the fundamental tenets of Marxism, the perception of the legacy of its founders, and most of all, the activities of its Chinese followers, the leaders of the CCP of different generations. In this sense, L. P. Delyusin can also be called a researcher of the development of social thought in China.

Tracing the emergence, evolution and approval of new forms of labor and production organization, new relations, and new institutions in the changing Chinese society, L. P. Delyusin reveals various approaches to their theoretical justification. This reveals the difficult path of modern Chinese social thought from dogma to creative awareness, explanation and prediction of the evolution of social reality. In this context, the concepts consistently put forward by Chinese leaders and detailed by Chinese social scientists to justify the reformist course are interpreted. This course, which opens up space for the increasing penetration of market principles into the economic and social life of society, has long met with not only understanding and support in the Chinese ruling elite, but also quite stubborn resistance. This circumstance largely determined, as shown in the works of L. P. Delyusin, the most complex vicissitudes of political confrontation.

An important place in the ideological and political discussions of recent decades is occupied by the relationship between modernization and tradition. These discussions, in a certain sense, continue to be held about-

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The arguments that have been waged in Chinese society before in connection with the assessment of their historical heritage and the possibility of combining it with Western achievements move further. L. P. Delyusin shows the ambiguity of the local tradition, the presence in it of both retrograde layers, which were irreconcilably opposed by many prominent public figures and writers of China, and a high humanistic principle, which is fully compatible with the best spiritual values of European culture.

According to L. P. Delyusin, man as a person, as a being not only biological, but also social, has interested Chinese thinkers for centuries, starting with Confucius. Although linguists cannot name a single Chinese character that conveys the concept of personality, the concept itself has always been present in the writings of Confucius, Mengzi, and their students and followers.

Considering the works of the leaders of the movement for a new culture that developed in China after the Xinhai Revolution, L. P. Delyusin emphasizes that they rejected the traditional idea of complete subordination of the individual to the state, defended the self-worth of the individual, the freedom of a person to choose his or her life path. Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, Lu Xin, and others were convinced that a nation could not become free if the individual remained oppressed, subordinate to the clan or the state.

L. P. Delyusin's scientific and journalistic work is aimed at revealing the anti-human nature of the ideas and regime associated with the name of Mao Zedong, his persistent attempts to "dehumanize" the Chinese people under the banner of class struggle, including by attacking Confucius. If during the movement for a new culture at the beginning of the century, writes L. P. Delyusin, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao and other Chinese democrats fought against Confucianism as the ideological basis of the monarchical system, recognizing the greatness of Confucius as the teacher of the nation, then Mao Zedong directed the sharp edge of his criticism against the humanistic principles of Confucianism, trying to eradicate its positive influence on Chinese spiritual culture. The philosophy of struggle permeated not only social and personal relations, L. P. Delyusin noted, but also intruded into family ones, requiring children to inform on their parents, and those on their sons and daughters. This was called drawing a class line between one's own and others', between one's own and one's enemies. Mao Zedong believed that the spirit of struggle is traditionally inherent in the Chinese nation, whose entire history is full of wars and uprisings.

L. P. Delyusin addresses the problem of the formation of democracy in China many times in his works, based on the material of both the recent past and the present. He traces how the Chinese Communist Party, which came to victory over the Kuomintang largely due to the fact that it was able to use the slogans of the struggle for democracy, turned to the path of one-man dictatorship, the cult of personality and the omnipotence of the bureaucracy. The government established after the revolution in China, which was called the dictatorship of the proletariat or the democratic dictatorship of the people, while turning against bourgeois democracy, in fact, according to L. P. Delyusin, revived the worst forms of the feudal - monarchical system.

In his works, L. P. Delyusin debunks the idea of the so-called new great democracy, under the banner of which the destructive "cultural revolution" was unleashed, which brought incalculable misfortunes to the Chinese people and broke the fate of an entire generation of Chinese youth. The anti-democratism of the "cultural revolution", according to L. P. Delyusin, was expressed in a consistent struggle against freedom of speech, freedom of opinion, and instilling total unanimity.

L. P. Delyusin analyzes in detail the complex process of gradual elimination of some of the foundations of the totalitarian system, which took place both during the confrontation between reformist and counter-reformist forces in the Chinese leadership, and as a result of the efforts of the liberal-minded Chinese public after the removal of the "four" from power and the death of Mao Zedong. An ingenious arsenal of confrontation is revealed, which included, among other things, the widespread falsification of historical heritage for short-term ideological and political gain. At the same time, however, it is emphasized that even the most far-reaching plans of the second and third generations of the Chinese Communist leadership never envisaged the introduction of democracy in China in the image of Western democracy.

Nevertheless, the idea of democratization, which goes in line with the general modernization of the country, is gradually making its way and is being implemented both in the public consciousness and in specific legislative and other acts. L. P. Delyusin emphasizes that the democratic

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changes in the political system are objectively necessary to ensure the effectiveness of the course towards a market economy and openness to the outside world. But democracy, in his view, cannot be just a means. In a country where there have never been strong democratic traditions, where the people have never enjoyed democratic freedoms, where bureaucracy dominates, democracy cannot but be the goal of social and political development.

In a paper published in 1988, L. P. Delyusin noted that one of the features of the existing political system, which brings it closer to the feudal one, is that the old leaders, having formally retired, become pensioners, retain their influence, acting through their relatives or their former subordinates, who are still loyal to their superiors and obediently listen to their advice. This observation is fully confirmed today, and at all levels of government. The next change in the top party and state leadership that took place in late 2002 and early 2003, bringing a new generation to power, also retained considerable influence in the hands of the previous generation, just as it did when the latter came to power. That is why it is so necessary to create a political system that would minimize the scope of arbitrary decisions and actions of each leader or official.

L. P. Delyusin is optimistic about the prospect of China's democratization. In his opinion, it is impossible to count on its rapid success, but at the same time it is impossible not to see the changes in the consciousness of the Chinese, especially young people, who are increasingly freeing themselves from the hypnosis of old ideas and are looking for ways to join the world civilization, and therefore to freedom and democracy. It is impossible to stop this process, and if not the current generation of Chinese, then the future generation will not just dream of democracy and passively wait for its arrival, but will actively fight for its triumph on Chinese soil.

With the deepening of market relations in the economy, the differentiation of Chinese society is growing, new social groups and strata with their own specific interests are emerging, which require further political democratization and the creation of appropriate norms and institutions to coordinate. The growing openness of the country to the outside world also makes its demands for democratization. At the same time, according to L. P. Delyusin, democracy in China cannot be introduced by order. Only a consistent and continuous expansion of human rights and freedoms is possible. At the same time, a long delay in political reforms is no less unfavorable for the modernization of the country than a hasty advance of changes in the economic basis and consciousness of the people.

L. P. Delyusin opposes attempts to replace democracy with elite rule, the "new authoritarianism", whose ideas, inspired in no small part by the experience of the" four small dragons", became quite widespread in China in the late 1980s. He recalls that on Chinese soil, the ideas of "strong power"," strong man " were put forward before - both during the times of Yuan Shikai, and during the Kuomintang rule, and during the "cultural revolution". According to L. P. Delyusin, the appearance of a new "iron hand" regime in China could only push the country back again.

L. P. Delyusin pays great attention to the theoretical understanding of the problems and prospects of socialism. The debate about whether a capitalist or socialist social system is best suited for modernizing China dates back to the early twentieth century. Since then, such disputes, whether explicit or implicit, continue to this day, and, as is well known, not only in the form of scientific or pseudoscientific dialogue, but also in the course of the most brutal political and armed struggle, mass campaigns and bloody purges. Various stages and vicissitudes of this struggle are reflected in the works of L. P. Delyusin.

As the scientist notes, during the years of reforms, starting with the third plenum of the CPC Central Committee (December 1978), which marked the beginning of a new course, radical changes have taken place in the perception of the Chinese world around them. In China, they began to talk openly about the possibility of assimilating and applying capitalist methods of organizing and managing production. All this created the ground for the emergence of judgments that socialism and capitalism, being different systems in their type, also have common features, which does not exclude their convergence in the future.

Speaking about the process of developing concepts of the initial stage of socialism and socialism with Chinese characteristics, which marked a serious breakthrough to reality both in the ideological design and in the practical implementation of the course for modernizing the country, L. P. Delyusin

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He compares the Chinese social scientists who were involved in the development of these concepts with tightrope walkers. The slightest deviation to the left and right from the equilibrium line threatened them with deadly danger (it is not by chance that many of them later found themselves in exile). Nevertheless, new ideas about socialism, the goal of building which was pushed into the vast future, and the immediate prospects were freed from many ideological taboos, were established as the official line of the ruling party. They made it possible to move step by step from the planned and distributed system of management of the Stalinist-Maoist model to an increasing assertion of market principles in the economy and to raise the question of extending the reforms to the political sphere (although without touching the carefully guarded forbidden zone of the Communist party's autocracy).

"Socialism with Chinese coloring", according to L. P. Delyusin, cannot be recognized as either red or white. It still has an indeterminate color. And this, the scientist believes, may be the national peculiarity of the transition period in China, the specifics of its modernization.

At the same time, the Chinese path of modernization should be rooted in the national culture. Attempts to apply the Anglo-American model of modernization in China, L. P. Delyusin emphasizes, ended in failure, just like attempts to use the Soviet model. Hence, the only alternative is to find solutions to unique Chinese problems by appealing to one's own spiritual heritage, including, first of all, Confucianism, or rather, to its ethical and humanistic component. According to L. P. Delyusin, Confucianism took deep roots in the Chinese people, which neither the Maoist "cultural revolution" nor the increasing penetration of Western values and Western lifestyle into China were able to uproot and destroy. Confucianism is also assigned the role of a kind of spiritual barrier or buffer on the way to the complete westernization of the Chinese economy, politics and culture.

An important feature of the reforms carried out in China in accordance with the new guidelines, as L. P. Delyusin emphasizes, is that they are designed for a long time. Their implementation, which takes place in the course of a continuous ideological and political confrontation, does not represent a continuous upward development, but includes stopping and even backing down movements. Deng Xiaoping's purely pragmatic approach is also very important, which makes it possible to evaluate each step not from the scholastic point of view of compliance or non-compliance with the bequeathed postulates of Maoism and Marxism in terms of the practical benefits it brings to the establishment of a strong and prosperous China.

L. P. Delyusin does not ignore the acute and complex socio - economic, ideological and political problems that arise during the implementation of the reformist course. Among them, a significant place is occupied by the deep corruption of the party and state apparatus. Especially wide opportunities for corruption are created by the state form of ownership, which serves as the economic base of the party-state bureaucracy. The village, the starting point for reform, where two-thirds of the Chinese population is concentrated, having achieved considerable achievements at first, has in recent years fallen further behind the city and is experiencing considerable difficulties in its development and even maintenance of existence. The gap between urban wealth and poverty is growing. Despite consistently high economic growth rates, unemployment is increasing. Attempts to eliminate the uneven development of the prosperous eastern and lagging western regions of the country have not yet been successful. All this again and again sharpens the debate between the adherents of the socialist and capitalist perspectives of social development.

Many pages in the works of L. P. Delyusin are devoted to prominent political figures in the recent history of China, especially Deng Xiaoping. He considers Deng Xiaoping first of all a great reformer, occupying a place in the country's history not only comparable to such great reformers as Kang Yuwei and Sun Yat-sen, but perhaps even higher, since it is he who has the merit of outlining the program of modernization of China and starting to implement it.

The book dedicated to him contains a brief outline of Deng Xiaoping's life and political career, with all their dizzying ups and downs, with delusions and insights, with opportunistic support for Mao Zedong's adventures and self-defeats.-

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with a perfect rectification of their disastrous consequences, and most importantly - with an outstanding ability to start all over again after crushing defeats and boldly go a new, unknown path. The last stage of Deng's biography, his "third life", according to L. P. Delyusin, covering the first decades of reforms, is considered in particular detail.

Refuting the widespread misconception that the transformation in China began directly from the socio-economic sphere, and not from ideology and politics, as in the Soviet Union, L. P. Delyusin dwells in sufficient detail on the ideological preparation of reforms that preceded the historic decisions of the third Plenum of the CPC Central Committee of the 11th convocation. During this training, under the slogans "practice is the criterion of truth" and "liberate consciousness", the right to review previously unshakable Maoist dogmas, which is extremely necessary for the implementation of reforms, was affirmed. Analyzing the decisions of the third plenum of the CPC Central Committee, L. P. Delyusin notes that although they did not contain a specific plan for socio-economic reforms, they nevertheless marked the beginning of "a great turning point in the life of the party and the state." Their main achievement was to shift the focus of the political course from class struggle to modernization and economic development.

The new Course was formed in an atmosphere of intense ideological and political struggle, and therefore, with a general upward trend, it was not devoid of tactical retreats and concessions, such as the campaigns against "bourgeois liberalism"in particular. L. P. Delyusin especially emphasizes the role of Chinese scientists in the approval of the new course.

Summing up the results of Deng Xiaoping's reformation, L. P. Delyusin concludes that Chinese socialism has acquired features that bring it closer to modern forms of a socially oriented market economy in capitalist countries. At the same time, he agrees with the conclusion of the well-known Russian economist Ya.A. Pevsner that the very concepts of "socialism" and "capitalism", on the opposition of which the Marxist approach was based, lose their former meaning, as well as their opposition. In this connection, L. P. Delyusin believes, Deng Xiaoping's theory of the initial stage of building socialism, or "socialism with Chinese coloring", becomes a theory of modernization, a theory of development that cannot be called either proletarian or bourgeois. And the fact that in China the definitions of "socialist" and "socialist" are added to the concepts of "modernization" and "market" is more a tribute to tradition and a justification for the supremacy of the Communist Party than an objective characteristic of reality.

L. P. Delyusin pays a lot of attention to the relations between Russia and China in history and modern times. Noting the extremely contradictory perception of Chinese culture and China by the Russian elite in pre-Soviet times and the complex development of Soviet-Chinese relations in the 1950s and 1960s, he states that today Russian-Chinese relations as a whole are developing on the basis of mutual respect and increasing understanding of each other. At the same time, the strategic partnership of the two great neighboring countries and peoples is being undermined by Russian national patriots, who are trying to instill in the minds of the Russian people the fear of the "yellow danger" associated with the rapid transformation of China into an economic giant. These figures claim that even today our neighbor is quietly expanding into the territory of the Russian Far East, which in the future, as China becomes stronger, can be supported by military actions.

No less harmful to Russian-Chinese cooperation are those national patriots who see the main threat to Russian identity from the West and try to isolate themselves from this threat by relying on the PRC. These hopes are futile, writes L. P. Delyusin, since the plans of modernizing China do not include opposition to the outside world. L. P. Delyusin believes that the universal values underlying both Christian and Confucian civilization will contribute to further rapprochement between Russia and China and their cooperation with other countries both in the West and in the East. What unites us today is not the existence of a common enemy, but the common task of economic renewal and improving the material well-being of our peoples.

Speaking about the contribution of L. P. Delyusin to science, it is impossible to limit ourselves only to his own work. Its organizational activities are of great importance for the development of research and for raising its theoretical level in our country, not only in the field of Oriental and Chinese studies, but also in the humanities and social sciences more broadly. L. P. Delyusin has been the head of a number of companies for several decades.

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research teams, primarily academic ones. And it is he who is largely responsible for the appearance of highly professional, bright works in these collectives that attracted the attention of the Russian and world community, for regularly holding fruitful scientific forums that became a tradition, as happened, for example, with the conference "Society and the State in China", which has been gathering annually for more than thirty years at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences sinologists from different cities and different research and educational institutions in the country. Publications of the materials of these conferences have already formed a multi-volume library containing the most valuable materials on almost all the most important problems of Chinese history and modernity.

The author of these lines was lucky enough to work in one of the collectives headed by L. P. Delyusin-the Institute of Scientific Information on Social Sciences of the USSR Academy of Sciences at the very beginning of its formation. The positive impact that this institute has had on the emergence of humanities in our country from the state of self - isolation, narrowness and marginality, introducing it to modern ideas and methods, is largely due to the direction of work that was set by the first director of INION-L. P. Delyusin.

In this short article, it is hardly appropriate to talk in any detail about this period of his activity. However, one aspect cannot be ignored, since it very accurately characterizes the personality of L. P. Delyusin. The fact is that the team of INION employees in the early 1970s was not only a team of highly qualified specialists, each of whom knew both his subject and more than one foreign language. It was also a refuge for people who, for various reasons, were objectionable to the authorities. Many dissidents and "fifth point invalids" who were expelled from other "ideological" institutions, as they said at the time, found shelter under the shadow of the institute that emerged on the basis of the Fundamental Library of the USSR Academy of Sciences, headed by L. P. Delyusin.

It seems to me that the memories of Lyudmila Alexeyeva, a former dissident and now the chairman of the International Helsinki Group, convey the exact situation of that time. I apologize to readers for the lengthy excerpt from her book, but I think it's worth it, especially since the book was published in exile and in English, and few people in our country have seen it (my translation of the passage. - Ya. B.).

"Just on the eve of the end of the Khrushchev thaw, the historian-orientalist Delyusin was asked to found and head an institute that would follow Western sociology, philosophy, historical science, and political science. He took this job on one condition: no one should dictate to him who to hire and how to do it. The staff of the Deluxin Institute for Scientific Information in the Social Sciences was filled with an unusually large number of Jewish scholars and translators. At a time when other institutions were firing their "signatories," he still had a certain number of vacancies, and from this labor reservoir he drew the best specialists he could find...

It was around this time that Delusin noticed that HR was beginning to interfere with hiring decisions and that high-ranking officials were beginning to impose unsolicited guardianship. According to the institute's information, Delyusin said simply:: "Either I work as I want, or I don't work." The resignation was accepted."

Lev Petrovich Delyusin today is full of creative forces and new ideas. This is clearly evidenced by his recent works. We wish him a long life and further success in his scientific research.

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MAIN SCIENTIFIC WORKS OF L. P. DELYUSIN ^*

The problem of unity of the three popular principles of Sun Yat-sen in the interpretation of Hu Hanmin / / XV Scientific conference " Society and State in China "(hereinafter - NCOGC). Moscow, 1984. Part III. p. 317.

Deng Yanda and his project of the "third way" / / XIV NCOGK. Moscow, 1985. Part 3. pp. 145-153.

Publicism of Liu Binyan and the fight against leftist elements in China / / Special Bulletin of the Institute of Internal Affairs of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow, 1985, No. 3, pp. 138-160.

Ekonomicheskie reformy v PRC v otsenki zapadnykh sinologov [Economic Reforms in the PRC as assessed by Western Sinologists]. 1987. pp. 3-17.

Features of building socialism in China / / Asia and Africa Today. 1987. N 12. pp. 10-14.

Special Bulletin of the Institute of Internal Affairs of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow, 1988, No. 6. - Author's article: Campaign "critics of Lin Biao and Confucius" in the PRC (1973-1975). pp. 3-140; Movement "for the study of the dictatorship of the proletariat". pp. 141-162; Campaign of criticism of the novel " River Backwaters". A new wave of political struggle, pp. 162-181.

Preface / / Ideological and political aspects of reforms in China, Moscow: INION of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1988, pp. 5-27.

Ways to develop the village // Asia and Africa today. 1988. N 9. pp. 12-17.

Through the prism of decades (to the 70th anniversary of the" May 4 movement") / / Problems of the Far East, Moscow, 1989. N 3. pp. 144-153.

Kitay na puti reformov [China on the Path of Reforms]. Nauka v SSSR, Moscow, 1989, No. 1, pp. 121-128; No. 2, pp. 110-117.

The Difficult path to socialism / / Asia and Africa today. 1989. N 10. pp. 8-14.

Discussion on political reform in China / / East and Modernity. 1990. N 1. pp. 17-39. Same thing: Politics. Tallinn. N 3. p. 28-45.

Chinese Modernization and Tradition. 1990. N 12. pp. 28-41.

Reforms in China: Challenges and contradictions // East and modernity. 1990. N 2. p. 3-22. The same: World Economy and International Relations, Moscow, 1990. N 9. p. 19-30.

Campaign against the "gang of four" / / Special Bulletin of the Institute of Internal Affairs of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1991, No. 4, pp. 3-130.

Foreword / / Reform of the political system in China, Moscow, 1991, pp. 5-37.

In search of a new type of culture / / Asia and Africa today. 1991. N 12. p. 7-12.

Reforms in China and Marxism // East (Oriens). 1992. pp. 51-64.

Idealy sotsializma i mirnaya evolyutsiya obshchestva [The ideals of Socialism and the Peaceful Evolution of Society]. 1992. N 2. pp. 52-56.

Plan and Market / / Asia and Africa today. 1992. N 3. pp. 17-20.

Who slows down reforms (a look at events in the country from across the ocean) / / Asia and Africa Today. 1992. N 9. pp. 19-22.

Should literature depend on politics // Asia and Africa today. 1992. N 12. pp. 42-44.

The Chinese idea of Liang Shumin / / XXIV NCOGK. Moscow, 1993. Ch. II. pp. 78-84.

On a New Approach to Marxism in China / / Modern China: reforma i razvitie [reform and Development], Moscow, 1993, No. 8, pp. 37-49.

"Chinese capitalism" or "socialism with Chinese characteristics"? // Free thought. 1993. N 12. pp. 52-66.

Political reform and the problem of democracy in China, Moscow, 1993, 108 p.

With the ideas of socialism and the practice of capitalism / / Asia and Africa today. 1993. N 10. pp. 41-46.

The Chinese experience: Moving away from Socialism or renewing it? // Russia: Drama of Changes, Moscow, 1994, pp. 97-126.

Enlightenment or Salvation: the problem of Choice (From the history of discussions "on the place of the individual in Chinese society"). 1994. N6. pp. 107-116.

Deng Xiaoping and the theory of socialist modernization / / Problems of the Far East. 1994. N 5. P. 3-16.

Discussion in China and in Russia about socialism / / Russia and the modern world. Moscow, 1994. N2. pp. 39-51.

Deng Xiaoping-revolutionary, Maoist, reformer / / Asia and Africa Today. 1994. N 8-9. pp. 78-92.

Impression of the "Chinese from the side" / / Asia and Africa today. 1994. N 10. pp. 25-27.

Genius or villain? Lessons from one anniversary // Asia and Africa today. 1994. N 12. pp. 8-14.

Teoriya sverhustoychivosti kitaiskogo feodalizma [Theory of superstability of Chinese feudalism].

^* Comp. by E. A. Sinetskaya. For a list of the main scientific works of L. P. Delyusin before 1983, see: Peoples of Asia and Africa. 1983. N 6. pp. 211-212.

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Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Model of Economic Reform // Economic history. Reformi i reformatory [Reforms and Reformers], Moscow, 1995, pp. 31-51.

TV movie "Heshan" and discussion about the role of traditions in the modernization of China / / China: from a closed society to an open world. Moscow, 1995. pp. 98-131.

Ba Jin and the "cultural revolution" / / XXVII NCOGK. Moscow, 1996. pp. 147-159.

Corruption and the fight against it // Asia and Africa today. 1996. N 3. p. 25-29; N 4. p. 27-31.

Modernization and Democracy / / Asia and Africa Today. 1997. N 5. pp. 2-6.

Reforms are underway. Leftists sound the alarm / / Asia and Africa today. 1997. N 9. pp. 32-39.

Vneshnepoliticheskie problemy Rossii na Dalnem Vostoke [Foreign policy problems of Russia in the Far East].

Some reflections on the beginning of the Sino-Soviet conflict // Russia and the Modern World, 1998, pp. 233-256. Ditto: Dandai Zhongguo shi yanjiu. 1998. N 3).

Background to the recent conflict / / Asia and Africa today. 1999. N 7. pp. 61-65; N 8. pp. 56-60.

Russia and China: from Confrontation to Partnership // Epicon. 1999. p. 75.

Russkiy talant i japantsiy esteticheskiy vzglyad [Russian Talent and Japanese Aesthetic View]. Rossiya i sovremennyi mir, 1999, No. 1, pp. 224-233.

Confessions of an old communist / / XXIX NKOGK. 1999. pp. 200-209.

Russia and China in search of national development paths // Russia and China: Lessons from Reform. 2000. pp. 10-15.

Relevance of "May 4" slogans and Taiwan's experience // Presidential elections in Taiwan and security problems in the Far East Region, Moscow, 2000, pp. 30-43.

China: Half a Century - Two Epochs, Moscow: IV RAS, 2001.294 p.

Confucius in the service of Chinese socialism / / Russia and the modern World. 2001. N 1. pp. 182-189.

What is Mao Zedong's place in history? // Asia and Africa today. 2001. N 2. pp. 22-26.

Modernization and the teaching of Confucius / / Asia and Africa Today. 2001. N 7. pp. 8-11.

Russo-kitayskie otnosheniya na rubezhe vekov [Russian-Chinese relations at the turn of the century].

The Greatness and Tragedy of Deng Xiaoping / / Asia and Africa Today. 2002. N 4. pp. 7-14.

What is China for Russians? / Rossiya i Kitay v sisteme mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniy na rubezhe XXI veka [Russia and China in the system of international relations at the turn of the XXI century].

Some reflections on the causes of the Sino-Soviet conflict // Russian-Chinese relations on the threshold of the XXI century. Beijing, 2002. pp. 89-120 (in Chinese).

Russia and China on the threshold of the XXI century / / New trends in International relations in Asia, Moscow, 2002. pp. 111-117.

Deng Xiaoping and the Reformation of Chinese Socialism, Moscow: Muravey Publ., 2003, 206 p.

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