Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2014, 395 pp.1

If an academic discipline is capable of experiencing its own moment of self-discovery, then one of these moments probably occurred on a sunny day in December 2008, when a group of researchers from different countries gathered at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem to discuss various aspects of the history of the ancient Chinese state of Qin. The conference, which lasted for several days, resulted in the publication of a peer-reviewed volume consisting of three parts and nine chapters. Each part is preceded by a special introduction. In the general introduction, the authors outline their understanding of the main processes of Qin history and methodological approaches to its study.

From the very beginning, the organizers of the conference set out to present a synthesis of the rapidly increasing amount of information about society and the state, which at the end of the third century BC included a significant part of continental East Asia and formed a bureaucratic centralized empire, which has since become one of the main forms of political organization in this region of the world (p. 2-3). Going beyond the familiar theme of the mausoleum of the first Qin Emperor, Qin Shi Huang, and his "mysterious" terracotta army (thanks to commercial cinematography and tourist brochures), the authors of The Birth of the Empire establish links between relatively well-studied but disparate areas of knowledge, such as the political history of the Qin Empire (Bodde, 1938), its legal system, and the history of the Qin Empire (Bodde, 1938). The culture [Hulsewe, 1985] and the ritual representation of its rulers [Kern, 2000], as well as outline the general problems of Qin history that remain poorly understood.

The creators of the volume are aware that they are not pioneers. The study of Qin society and the state has long been established as a specialized research field in China and Japan, where the corresponding publications are counted annually in at least several monographs and several tens, if not hundreds of articles. A quick look at the dynamics of Qin studies in East Asian countries allows us to better understand some of the main issues raised in the book under review. Organization of historical faculties of universities and departments (research centers)rooted in the traditional structure of historical knowledge academic institutions in China and Japan contribute to the independent development of research on pre-Imperial or pre-Qin (i.e., pre-221 BC) and Early Imperial or Qin-Han

Maxim V. KOROLKOV-Candidate of Historical Sciences, Researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences; maximkorolkov@hushmail.com.

Birth of an Empire 1: Return to the Kingdom of Qin, edited by Y. Pines, L. Von Falkenhausen, G. Shelach, and R. Yeats (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2014), 395 p.

This review was originally written for the journal Asian Archaeology and will be published in Issue 5 (2016).

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(221 BC-220 AD), periods of Chinese history. As the first united "all-Chinese" empire, Qin is included in the national historical narrative as the creator of imperial, specifically "Chinese" institutions - bureaucracy, legal and fiscal systems, state regulation of intellectual discourse. This historiographic tradition is teleological in its core, i.e. it proceeds from the idea of Qin history as a kind of prelude to the formation of a mature Han empire. This view is reflected in the generally accepted designation of the period as a whole as "Qin-Han", as well as the almost unconditional use of much more numerous and diverse sources on the Han era to fill in the gaps in Qin history.

On the contrary, the pre-imperial history of Qin is often interpreted within the so-called regionalist paradigm, which implies a corresponding set of themes and approaches (Falkenhausen, 1995). Here, Qin appears on a par with other state formations of the Chunqiu ("Spring and Autumn", 771-453 BC) and Zhanguo ("Warring States", 453-221 BC) periods, and the key issues are the peculiarities of its culture, the historical origins of Qin "identity" and ethnic specifics. Researchers devote a lot of effort to tracing the origins of the Qin ethnic community, establishing criteria for determining the Qin culture in the archaeological material in order to describe the interaction of the Qins with other regional cultures. The dynamics of this interaction eventually tend to follow the path already known from traditional written sources, and the disappearance of" regional cultures "in the general Chinese imperial" Han culture " allows representatives of the two paradigms to avoid the difficult task of establishing links between their areas of specialization.

In setting out to summarize the current state of Qin research, the authors and editors of this volume could not ignore this gap. Therefore, they have identified several themes that are cross-cutting to both the pre-imperial and imperial periods of Qin history and are covered by both written and material sources. These topics include Qin's relationship to the Zhou socio-cultural model and political tradition; the complexity of the Qin experience of imperial construction, some components of which were outlined centuries before the Qin conquest of the "Chinese world"; the institutional continuity between the Qin kingdom of the Zhanguo era, the Qin Empire, and the Han Empire; the factors of Qin transformation from a small regional state to a world empire; and some specific features of the Qin tradition, including its tendency to gigantism, which allow us to reconcile the historiographic idea of the exclusivity of Qin among other ancient Chinese kingdoms, on the one hand, and the close ties between Qin and Zhou culture, on the other (p. 11-33).

The organization of the material in this volume follows the disciplinary division determined by the source base. The first part," Archaeological Reflections", deals primarily with archaeological material. The second part, "State and Society of Qin", focuses on paleographic documents, while the third part, "Image and Impact of Qin", focuses on traditional written sources.

The first part opens with an introduction by Lothar von Falkenhausen and Gideon Shelach, "Archaeological Perspectives on the Qin "Unification" of China". The authors recall the continuity between the material culture of the Qin of the pre-imperial and imperial periods and the loyalty of the Qins to the ritual institutions of the Zhou. They make an observation about the quantitative (or organizational) rather than qualitative nature of Qin's achievements: Qin succeeded in unifying the Zhou world "from within" because of the scale of state activity, rather than any cultural or technological superiority (p. 49). In this regard, the very concept of "Qin culture" seems doubtful as an analytical category. From the point of view of archeology, the Qin material culture appears to be a regional variant of the Zhou culture.

The approach outlined in the introduction is not shared by all Qin archaeologists, as is evident from the first two chapters of the book. Chapter 1, written by Zhao Huacheng, focuses on archaeological discoveries related to the" early Qin culture " in the upper reaches of the Wei and Xihan Rivers in southeastern Gansu Province. The author seeks to link the new discoveries with the traditional historiography of Qin migrations, in particular identifying the walled settlements in Xishan and Dabujishan with the Early Qin capitals of Xiquanqiu and Xixinyi, which are mentioned in the "Basic Records of the Qin Empire".

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The deeds of the House of Qin "" Historical Notes "(Shi Ji ) Sima Qian (145/135-86 BC). Following the same logic, Zhao correlates the Non-Zhou settlements in this area with the state formations of the Western Zhong known from later written sources. Recognizing the strong influence of the Zhou culture on early Qin, the author prefers to consider the latter as a separate culture and ethnic community, close to the tribes of the "eastern and" traditional historiography. According to his reconstruction, the ancestors of the Qins were closely related to the legendary state of Xia and the historical Shang and migrated to the west presumably during the time of Western Zhou (1046-771 BC).

Chapter 2, written by Teng Mingyu , is based on her previously published book, which examines the transformation of Qin statehood from a small regional polity to a territorial empire (Teng, 2003). Teng reconstructs this process on the basis of archaeological data from burials in Guanzhong (lower reaches of the river). Wei) is the central region of the Qin state. For analytical purposes, Qin history is divided into four periods: (a) later Shang and Western Zhou; (b) earlier and middle Chunqiu; (c) later Chunqiu, early and middle Zhanguo; and (d) later Zhanguo, the Imperial Qin period, and the beginning of the Early Han era. Teng identifies two main trends in the socio-political evolution of Qin: the transition from a kinship-based social organization to a territorial organization, and from a hereditary elite to a meritocracy in which the ruling social group was relatively open to both non-noble Qin and non-Qin groups. The author explains the political and military achievements of Qin by its exclusivity among the Zhou states, by the fact that the Qins were initially forced to assimilate the non-Zhou tribes surrounding them and, accordingly, were more open to external influence. This allowed the Qin rulers to carry out successful social reforms in the middle of the fourth century BC. This conclusion contradicts the observations of other authors of the volume about the conservatism of Qin society and the loyalty of its elite to the ritual institutions of Zhou.

In chapter 3, Gideon Shelach examines the collapse of the Qin Empire from a systems theory perspective. He describes Qin as a highly centralized system that enforced institutional and administrative homogeneity and introduced standards of social organization, writing, monetary system, etc. Such integrated systems are subject to external influences, since "the collapse of one subsystem or a group of subsystems leads to a chain reaction that destabilizes the system as a whole" (p. 136, see also: [Scott, 1998, p. 352-354]). This is exactly what happened when the founder of the empire and his successor depleted the resources of their state in construction and military adventures, leading to a local uprising, followed by others, which within two years led to the demise of the empire. To demonstrate the scale of Qin labor mobilizations, Shelah attempts to estimate the amount of work associated with one such project, the Great Wall. The calculations confirm his hypothesis. However, such estimates are highly speculative, and alternative estimates may lead to opposite conclusions.2
The second part of the volume is devoted to another category of sources that contributed to a significant update of modern scientific ideas about the formation of the ancient Chinese empire - texts on bamboo slats and wooden tablets, which are now being introduced into scientific circulation in significant quantities thanks to the success of archaeologists. They feature a wide variety of genres, from legislative statutes to divinatory almanacs, and from funerary implements to odes to fu. Many of these manuscripts were discovered by archaeologists during the excavation of the burials of provincial scribes and other minor officials, and it is to this social group that Robin D. S. Yates ' introduction under the title "The Empire of Scribes"is dedicated.3
The archaeological context of bamboo and wood documents is important for several reasons. First, it must be remembered that these texts were part of the funeral rite and probably many of them were written down specifically for this purpose. Intentionally or not, their composition is-

2 Thus, the same calculations of the amount of work associated with the construction of the Qin Great Wall led another author to conclude that the traditional statements about excessive labor service in the Qin Empire are incorrect. See: [Auyang, 2015, p. 317-320].

3 Perhaps the best review of this category of sources in Western European languages remains the article by Enno Giele, which examines the archaeological context of the finds and the problems associated with the preservation, reconstruction, reading and publication of manuscripts (Giele, 2003). In Russian, see [Korolkov, 2013].

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The applicants may have misrepresented the original content of the relevant documents, which should be taken into account when using such texts to reconstruct the legal system, economic and military organization, and administrative institutions (p. 151). Secondly, many manuscripts bear the imprint of local or regional specifics: due to the preservation of organic writing material, a significant part of the currently known bamboo, wood, and silk inscriptions originate from the provinces of Hubei and Hunan in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River and its tributaries. Therefore, we have a considerable amount of information about the activities of a small group of people - provincial scribes and officials - in a relatively small and marginal territory for the empire. How representative is this information? It definitely gives the impression of comprehensive state control and regulation, covering almost all aspects of local life. In this regard, Yates recalls the need to take into account the origin and circumstances of the recording of these texts when studying such important issues as resistance to the imperial system at the local level, sources of prestige and social power outside this system, the activities of elites who are not connected or only partially connected with the state apparatus and its mechanisms of meritocratic ranks, justice and benefits.

The three chapters collected in this part deal with three categories of palaeographic texts: materials from household censuses, divination guides, and legislative documents. In chapter 4, Hsing I-tien analyzes the taxation and labor service systems of the Qin and Han Empires based on census data, the earliest fragments of which were found in the defensive moat surrounding the Qin hillfort in Liye, Hunan Province. The Ins warns against the perception of these documents as evidence of total state control over the population. On the contrary, he draws attention to the fact that the records originate from a limited area of relatively heavy Qin administrative presence, while much of the surrounding countryside remained outside such control even in Han times. The functions of the census and the nature of taxation changed after the end of large-scale wars in the early Western Han period (the first half of the second century BC), when military and labor duties were increasingly translated into monetary fees. In the process of these changes, the state sacrificed part of its" allotted " surplus product to ensure the loyalty and cooperation of local elites, including a growing group of provincial officials who, by the end of the Western Han (202 BC - 9 AD), had achieved a significant degree of autonomy over the central government. Xing's observation that the state has become less aggressive in its fiscal policy over the period under review is consistent with other researchers ' conclusions about long-term trends in the history of administrative and tax systems in early Imperial China. 4
Chapter 5, written by Poo Mu-chou, deals with Qin religious beliefs. Noting the close connection between the Qin, Shang, and Zhou traditions, Pu examines some features of the official Qin cult and folk religion in the Chunqiu and Zhanguo eras. Beginning in the middle of Chunqiu, the Qin rulers systematically usurped the Zhou royal ritual, thereby declaring their claim to supremacy in the world of the Zhou states. During the Zhanguo era, official religion developed under the influence of ideas of correlative cosmology, which were part of the general Zhou intellectual discourse, and not the specifics of Qin ideology. Throughout the entire period, the purpose of both official and private cult practices was to ensure the well-being of specific people, in the case of the official religion-the rulers of the kingdom. The secular nature, materialism, and extra-moral character of the Qin religious mentality were particularly pronounced in the so-called daily guidelines (zhishu ), which indicated favorable and unfavorable days for daily activities. Many such texts were found in burials of the Zhanguo era. The author emphasizes that the use of "daily manuals" and other texts of a religious nature, such as the" Demonography " from the Qin burial site in Shuihudi (Hubei Province), did not require the services of ritual specialists (exorcists, priests, etc.). These written instructions could be used by anyone who had access to them, since it was believed that the use of these texts was not necessary. That's all

4 Xing refers to Bu Hsien-qun's research on local government in the Qin Empire (Bu Hsien-qun, 2009). Similar conclusions are drawn by researchers of the land taxation system in the Qin and Han empires-see, for example: [Yang Zhen-hong, 2008; Korolkov, 2012].

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people are equal before the inevitable correspondence between the dynamics of the universe and human activity.

In chapter 6, Robin Yates concludes the review of new paleographic sources on the history of Qin with an analysis of legislative documents on the status of slaves in Qin and Early Han society. The fragments of Qin and Early Han law books discovered by archaeologists contain many previously unknown terms for various groups of the dependent population. Yeats believes that this diversity was caused by the incorporation of the Qin legal practice of the institutions and customs of the Chou and non-Chou states conquered by the Qin in the fourth and third centuries BC. The legal terminology for non-free statuses was gradually simplified and unified in the Western Han Empire. In particular, a clear distinction was made between the legal status of slaves and criminals sentenced to hard labor in favor of the State, which was absent in the Qin statutes. According to the author, the first Han emperors made conscious efforts to integrate slaves into the family organization. It remains an open question whether these changes in the legal status of slaves affected their economic role in Han society, especially the practical absence (and very little evidence of their existence) of large-scale production systems based on slave labor.

The opening chapters of the third part of the volume deal with the representation of the Qin Empire and its historical role in traditional historiography. In the introduction to this part, Yuri Pines addresses the historical reasons for the demonization of the image of the first Qin emperor by the intellectual elite of subsequent Chinese empires. The relatively balanced view of Qin at the beginning of the early Han era soon gave way to sharp criticism from the educated elite, especially canonists, who realized that Qin was an ideal target for invective directed covertly against the Han emperors of today. Less than a hundred years after the fall of the Qin Empire, its image has become an ideological tool in the struggle between the state, the intellectual elite and, eventually, supporters of radical social transformation. Why is it that the Qin, especially the first Qin Emperor Shi Huang, have acquired such an exceptional notoriety in imperial historiography? How trustworthy is this historiography as a source of Qin history? Did the self-presentation campaign that Shi Huang launched after declaring himself emperor have an impact on the fate of the empire he created? These and other issues are discussed in the following chapters.

In Chapter 7, Hans van Ess addresses the question of the validity of Shi ji's information about the reign of the First Qin Emperor, which remains one of the main sources not only about the personality of this ruler, but also about the policy of creating and consolidating the empire. Wang Ess compares the key components of Sima Qian's narratives about Qin Shi Huang and the contemporary Han Emperor Wu Di (140-87 BC) and finds many coincidents5 in the way Shi ji describes the deeds of the two sovereigns: identifying the element that protects the dynasty; resuming the pseudo-ancient tradition of Feng and Shan sacrifices; external conquests; abolition of the allotment system. The author wonders to what extent these coincidences actually took place and to what extent Sima Qian projected the realities of his day onto Qin history in order to warn his contemporaries about the consequences of an overly active, anti-traditionalist policy. Van Ess believes that the answer to these questions is necessary to determine the reliability of the data in Shi Ji's chapter on the imperial period of Qin history.

In chapter 8, Yuri Pines addresses some of the issues raised by van Esse. Unlike the author of the previous chapter, Pines finds Shi ji's account of Qin Shi Huang to be credible, at least as far as the official Qin ideology is concerned. Of particular value in this regard are the texts of inscriptions reproduced in Shi ji on stelae erected by Shi Huang during trips to the newly created empire. Pines demonstrates that the drafters of these ideological declarations actively appealed to the monarchical discourse of the Zhanguo era, in particular to the idea of a true sovereign, in order to present the Qin Empire as a kind of "end of history", and its creator as a messianic ruler who surpassed in his achievements the legendary "perfect - wise" sovereigns of antiquity. Declaring your creation as a state and society of a new quality,

5 It should be noted that similar observations were made by Yu. L. Krol more than half a century ago; see, for example, [Krol, 1963].

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The first emperor may have sought recognition from subjects of newly conquered kingdoms who were alien to the Qin political tradition. However, this ideological attitude led to the alienation of the intellectual elite, whose claim to public authority and political influence was based on appeals to the unattainable ideal of a "true sovereign". In their quest for a long-term political consensus in support of imperial organization, the Han rulers abandoned the Qin "Messianic revolution", which in turn became a key factor in shaping the perception of the exclusivity and even scandalousness of the Qin Empire in traditional historiography.

The final chapter of the volume examines the First Qin Emperor in a comparative perspective with the founder of another empire, Octavian Augustus. Alexander Yakobson recognizes the huge difference between the role of the two emperors in creating new systems, as well as between the political traditions of China and the Roman world. However, he also notes an interesting similarity between how in each of these cases the image of the all-powerful ruler of the world empire was created to be passed on to contemporaries and subsequent generations. Both rulers followed a similar logic when they eliminated alternative centers of political attraction and applied measures aimed at blurring the line between conquerors and conquered, thereby realizing the universalist potential of the imperial system.

The Birth of an Empire is not an exhaustive account of Qin history and was not intended as such. The authors of the volume admit that many issues remained untouched in their book, in particular the economic history of Qin and the subjects related to the burial complex of the First Emperor (p. 3). The latter, however, are relatively well represented in academic and popular publications in European languages. As for the economic aspects of Qin history, they are so poorly understood at the present time that they can hardly be the subject of scientific generalization. However, there are other noteworthy gaps in the volume's material.

One of these gaps is the geography and territoriality of the Qin Empire. The authors repeatedly point out the need to study the Qin methods of controlling the territory of a rapidly expanding state, which varied from region to region and evolved as the empire was formed. However, the recognition that the Qin rulers never achieved a clear understanding of the geography and resources of the lands nominally "conquered" by their armies, let alone established control over these resources6, is in obvious contradiction to the way the empire is represented on the map on page 20, borrowed from the Historical History of the Qin Empire. atlas of China " edited by Tan Qi-hsiang, 1991 edition [Zhongguo lishi, 1991]. This map not only does not indicate the location of the administrative divisions mentioned in the volume (for example, Qianling County , Nanjun County ), but also incorrectly positions the Qin Empire as a territorial continuum within clearly defined borders (although these borders are marked as "variable" in the southern and southwestern sections).

In fact, the State was a mosaic of enclaves of relatively intensive centralized control and vast territories that were practically beyond the reach of the State and its bureaucratic management machine. The scale and limitations of the state presence in the province remain basic problems of political and socio-economic history, which are only beginning to attract the attention of researchers of Ancient China (see, for example: [Li Feng, 2008; Su Weiguo, 2010; Tsuchiguchi, 2011]). It would be all the more important to help the reader get an idea of the complex nature of imperial territoriality, which would later serve as a counterbalance to the universalist representation of the state in official propaganda, bureaucratic documents, and traditional historiography. 7
Another equally fundamental but little-discussed topic in this volume is the social organization of Qin society. As in the previous case, stable representations,

6 The lack of clear understanding of the empire's human and material resources by its rulers was clearly demonstrated by one of the authors of this volume in one of his earlier publications [Xing Yi-tian, 2011].

7 Such maps are currently freely available on the Internet - see, for example: [Qin empire, 2016].

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Traditional historiography makes it very difficult not only to study the social history of Qin, but also to raise relevant questions. In most special studies, Qin is portrayed as an example of a strong and active state that was engaged in social engineering and successfully divided the Zhou-type tribal organization into individual households organized according to the territorial principle and directly connected with the state through the mechanisms of household census, land plots, labor and military conscription, etc. deviation from the social organization rooted in the systems of (real or fictional) kinship of the preceding Zhou and subsequent Han eras. While the large-scale social transformations of the Zhanguo period are attested by both written and archaeological sources, 8 the same sources also indicate the preservation of kinship groups that transcend individual households and are formally prohibited by Qin law. Summarizing the data on "large households" in the household census materials from Liye, Xing Yi-tian asks the following questions::

"Are these records evidence that many households were willing to double their tax obligations rather than split the household? Or should we reconsider our understanding of Shang Yang's reforms9? Or maybe the Qin order simply could not be effectively established in such remote border areas as Qianling 10? "(p. 164). To answer these questions, it is necessary not only to analyze in detail the entire set of available source material, but also to overcome the paradigm of Qin exclusivity, rooted in the historiographical duality of Qin, which was discussed at the beginning of this review and which is one of the main cross-cutting topics of this volume.

As with any collective monograph, the compilers of Birth of an Empire had to make decisions about the grouping of materials in a volume. They opted for the generally accepted disciplinary division between archaeology and the study of palaeographic and traditional written texts. This division of material is certainly reasonable and acceptable, but it does to a certain extent hinder the interdisciplinary analysis necessary to solve many problems of Qin history. However, clear boundaries between groups of researchers dealing with different categories of sources are still characteristic of the discipline of "Qin studies", the generalization of the achievements of which this monograph is intended to become." This goal can be considered successfully achieved. The book as a whole reflects both the outstanding achievements and challenges faced by the field of historical research, which has received an extraordinary wealth of new sources at its disposal, but at the same time is limited by stable traditional ideas about its object. It is hoped that these limitations will be successfully overcome in international research projects such as the one that led to the publication of the peer-reviewed volume.

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Korolkov M. V. Introduction. Zouyanshu ("Collection of Judicial Requests "). Palaeographic documents of Ancient China / Izdanie teksta, transl. s kitaiskogo, vstavit, article, comment., appendices by M. V. Korolkova, Moscow: Nauka, 2013, pp. 10-24.

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9 Qin statesman of the mid-fourth century BC, who led a series of radical changes in the kingdom of Qin.

10 Qin County on the site of the modern city of Liye, where archival documents of the late 3rd century BC were discovered.

11 Pines Y. et al. "General Introduction". P. 3.

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