Moscow, Nauka Publishing House. 1976. 168 p. Circulation 2000. Price 92 kopecks.
The mid-1970s in the development of international relations was marked by the resolution of one of the most complex and protracted international problems, which for three post-war decades was the conflict in Indochina. After the collapse of American aggression in 1973, the situation in Indochina is characterized by a general profound shift towards socialist, progressive and democratic transformation in Vietnam, Laos and Democratic Kampuchea. The peoples of the three Indochina states have begun to build a new life? eliminating the consequences of war, strengthening the national economy and people's authorities.
Now that the Indochina conflict has become a thing of the past, historians are faced with the task of analyzing the course of the struggle of the peoples of Indochina for national independence during the two Indochina wars (1946-1954 and 1961-1973), exploring the international aspects of the Indochina conflict and its place in the system of international relations of that period. Much has already been done in this regard. The Soviet Union published a number of works dealing with various aspects of the Indochina conflict .1
In the monograph of the researcher In-
1 See, for example: "International Relations after World War II". Vols. 1-3. Moscow, 1962, 1963, 1965; G. G. Kadymov. The Road to Independence (anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. 1945-1965). Moscow, 1966; A. A. Lavrishchev. Indochina Issue after the Second World War, Moscow, 1960; S. A. Mkhitaryan. The struggle of the Vietnamese people for National Independence, Democracy and Peace (1945-1955). Moscow, 1957.
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The article examines the evolution of French policy in Indochina over the past thirty years in accordance with the Statute of the World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Candidate of Historical Sciences P. P. Cherkasov. So far, there have been no works in Soviet or French historiography that comprehensively cover France's policy towards Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos during the entire post-war period.
Indochina has always occupied an important place in the global politics of France, being for a long time the object of the colonial desires of the French bourgeoisie, then, after its capture in the last third of the XIX century - the "pearl" of the French colonial empire, the area of direct collision of imperialism and the forces of national liberation, as well as a hotbed of inter-imperialist struggle and competition. French imperialism bears a large share of responsibility for the emergence and development of the Indochina conflict after 1945.
The author has collected and studied extensive factual material from various sources, as well as official French and international documents, memoirs of French political and military figures, materials of parliamentary debates over 30 years. The French press has been seriously studied over the same period. The author critically used the works of French and American bourgeois historians and publicists. A characteristic feature of the monograph is the extensive use of economic and statistical data, which made it possible to study more deeply the positions of French and American capital in the economy of Indochina countries, to analyze the course of the inter-imperialist struggle in this area. Much attention is paid to the articles and speeches of Ho Chi Minh, other party and state figures of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and the works of Vietnamese scientists.
P. P. Cherkasov identifies three main stages of French policy in Indochina: 1945 - 1954; 1954 - 1958; 1958 - 1975 years.
The Second World War dealt a severe blow to the French positions in Indochina, where by the end of 1945, as a result of a long and stubborn liberation struggle, three independent states emerged - the DRV, the Kingdom of Cambodia and the Kingdom of Laos. With their formation, the period of almost a century of undivided French colonial rule in Indochina ends.
Already during the Second World War, when the Gaullist leadership of the French Committee for National Liberation (CCNL) and later the Provisional Government of France unequivocally supported the preservation of colonial possessions, although in a somewhat liberalized form, the prerequisites for the Indochina conflict were emerging. Based on extensive factual material, the author traces how gradually, step by step, French colonialism prepared the ground for its" return " to Indochina, using both peaceful and military means.
The book examines the internal struggle that took place in France during the eight-year "dirty war" in Indochina, which ended in the defeat of the colonialists. It is interesting to assess the evolution of the Gaullist position in relation to the Indochina war - from openly colonialist attitudes to demands for an end to the war. The article shows the place of the Indochina war in world politics and international relations of that time, reveals the mutual influence of Indochina and European politics of the Fourth Republic, and in particular the significance of the war in the failure of the plans of the European Defense Community (EOC). The course of the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina and the evolution of the French delegation's position are discussed in detail. The importance of this period of French politics lies not only in the fact that the attempt to keep Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos in direct political dependence on France by force failed, but also in the fact that it was during these years that the knot of contradictions that later led to the transformation of Indochina into a "hot spot" of the planet arose.
The author analyzes the events of 1954-1958-from the conclusion of the Geneva Agreements on Indochina, which confirmed the national independence and sovereignty of the states of this region, to the fall of the Fourth Republic in France. The author emphasizes that "even after the military defeat in Indochina, France still had a very strong position there, which opened up an opportunity for it to play an active role in Southeast Asia and, above all, in the implementation of the Geneva Agreements" (p.45). These positions made it possible for France to establish mutually beneficial cooperation with the states of Indochina.
Political line of the fourth Republic in
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Indochina was distinguished by the desire to adapt to the new conditions resulting from the military defeat of France in the "dirty war", an attempt to maintain its" presence " in the former Indochina possessions. At the same time, as the author shows, the leaders of the Fourth Republic actually avoided implementing the provisions of the Geneva Agreements and, in fact, refused to pursue an independent political course in Indochina, following in the wake of the American policy of "containing communism" in this area. This was reflected in France's joining the aggressive SEATO bloc, its refusal to develop normal relations with the DRV, which showed a willingness to cooperate. The anti-national course of the French government in Indochina was sharply criticized by both the PCL and the Gaullist party.
The fall of the Fourth Republic into a faction in the May days of 1958 and the coming to power of the government of General de Gaulle led to major changes in the entire French foreign policy, including in Indochina. Therefore, there is every reason to date the beginning of the third stage of French policy in Indochina to 1958. This period is of the greatest interest: first, in the 60s, France made an attempt to strengthen its shaky position in Indochina, whose importance in the global politics of Paris is sharply increasing; secondly, during these years, the independence and independence of France's foreign policy actions lost during the Fourth Republic was restored. It was in Indochina that this was most pronounced.
Gaullist diplomacy began to show special attention to Indochina from the time when American imperialism unleashed a war of aggression against the Vietnamese people. Now France and the United States seem to have switched places. If during the first Indochina war (1946-1954), the American government repeatedly criticized French "colonialism", posing as a "defender of oppressed peoples", then in the 60s, throwing off the mask of anti-colonialism, the United States turned into the main opponent of the national liberation movement. In turn, France, freed by this time from the colonial legacy, took on the role of a critic of American policy in Indochina. The French ruling circles tried to take advantage of the discrediting of the United States and take moral and political revenge for the unsuccessful colonial adventures of the 40s and 50s. The aggravation of relations between Paris and Washington, caused by the Indochina policy of the United States, led already in the early 60s to the formation of a new node of Franco-American contradictions in Indochina, along with contradictions in NATO. In the second half of the 60s, sharp disagreements in the Middle East were added to them.
The monograph traces in detail the development of Franco-American contradictions in Indochina, analyzes the causes and motives of French opposition to the US war. "It can be quite definitely stated," writes P. P. Cherkasov, "that the American aggression against the DRV was one of the reasons, and at the same time a convenient reason, for France's withdrawal from the NATO military organization" (p.99). The French Government's attitude to the events in Vietnam was not limited to condemning the aggressive actions of the United States. Already in 1963, Paris put forward its own project for resolving the Vietnamese and Indochina problem in general, called the "neutralization of Indochina" plan. The monograph analyzes in detail the content of this plan and gives its assessment. The author concludes that "although Degoll's idea of 'neutralizing' Indochina subjectively proceeded from the class imperialist interests of the ruling circles of France, objectively it could still contribute to the international political settlement of the Indochina conflict " (p. 103).
For the first time in Soviet historiography, the author examines the problem of France's participation in the SEATO bloc; analyzes the reasons and motives for its self-exclusion from participation in the bloc after 1965, the main one of which was rejection of the bloc's aggressive course and fear of being involved in any adventure in Southeast Asia (see pp. 136-142). Of considerable interest is the analysis of French politics in Indochina after 1969, that is, after the departure from the political arena of the founder and first president of the Fifth Republic, Charles de Gaulle. "Summing up the results of the Indochina policy of France," the author writes, " it can be noted that the condemnation of the aggressive course of the US imperialist circles in Indochina and the implementation of an independent line based on recognition in this area
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It has increased the moral prestige and authority of France in international affairs, and in particular in the Indochina Peninsula" (p. 158).
Unfortunately, the author did not fully cover the position of the Soviet Union regarding the solution of Indochina problems. There are also some inaccuracies in the book, mostly terminological, there are repetitions, which are partly explained by the fact that the author examines the Indochina policy of France at different stages and in different aspects. To a certain extent, the author supports the opinion recognized in French historiography that the "policy of greatness" was one of the main reasons for the eight Years ' war of France in Indochina. At the same time, the book convincingly proves that the main factors of French politics are not so much concern for prestige, but rather the economic, political and strategic interests of France. It should also be noted that the policy of France in relation to Cambodia (Kampuchea) and Laos is studied in the monograph in less detail than in relation to Vietnam.
In general, the author's concept of the issues under study is correct. The reader is presented with an interesting analytical work containing deep theoretical and political conclusions and generalizations. It is safe to say that we now have the most comprehensive and comprehensive study of French politics in Indochina.
Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences S. L. Tikhvinsky
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