During the struggle for national sovereignty, the leading political force of the Indian liberation movement, the Indian National Congress (INC), took on the difficult task of developing foreign policy principles for a future sovereign India, including the creation of an international organization of colonial and dependent countries in Asia and Africa. This organization was planned with the participation and even under the auspices of British India. Such an association was supposed to protect the right of peoples to self-determination, ensuring their economic, geopolitical and social interests.

The desire for this kind of unification is reflected in the political writings and statements of the leading leaders of the INC - Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru.

The political views of the Indian patriots successfully complemented each other. Gandhi, as the" apostle of nonviolence", actively promoted the principle of nonviolence in international relations and considered it necessary to completely exclude war and armed forces from the Indian political reality.

Nehru, in turn, opposed the absolutization of nonviolence to his "spiritual gurus" with the cold mind and personal experience of a pragmatic and internationalist politician who knows the international situation. He was sympathetic to Gandhi's views. And Gandhi himself and other INC leaders recognized Nehru as a leading ideologue and politician in the sphere of international life since the late 1920s.

Nehru tried to bring the Indian national liberation movement out of international isolation by seeking to establish contacts and cooperation with foreign anti-imperialist movements in both the West and East. Among them were the Chinese Kuomintang, the Communist Party of China( CPC), the Comintern, and the left - wing British Labor Party (Nehru, 1970, p.267-270). In the pages of the League of Nations magazine Review Nation, Nehru outlined his attitude to the prospect of liberating India from foreign domination and expressed confidence in the unity of interests and goals of India and other colonial and dependent peoples of the East [Nehru, 1970, p. 271].

Nehru was convinced that the full equality of the newly independent Asian peoples was possible only through the formation of an Inter-Asian Federation capable of collectively defending the vital interests of the participating countries. In addition to India, he saw Burma, China, Afghanistan, and Ceylon as members of such a federation, i.e., countries adjacent to the borders of the Hindustan subcontinent. He wrote about this in his Autobiography, which was widely known in the political circles of India (Nehru (1), 1955, p. 655).

The position of the INC ideologists on the issue of inter-Asian unity was widely known not only in India, but also far beyond its borders: in Western Europe and the United States. It was the INC that immediately after the end of World War II appeared on the world stage as an ideologue and propagandist of the principles of Afro-Asian unity.

It was quite natural for the Indian political elite, and especially the INC, to seek recognition of India as an equal member of the anti-fascist soj-

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for and speak on the world stage with their own foreign policy concept, including on the issue of uniting the colonial and dependent peoples of the East under the flag of eliminating colonialism.

Congressional leaders promoted the idea of a qualitative renewal of the international community based on the United Nations and the creation of an anti-colonial Inter-Asian Federation in the future. In the book" The Discovery of India", written in prison and published in 1945-1946, J. Nehru gave a prominent place to this issue. So, he wrote: "World events and common interests are forcing Asian countries to turn to each other again. The period of European domination is forgotten like a bad dream, and memories of the distant past tell them about old friendships and joint ventures." Nehru believed that " nationalism "is closely related to"internationalism". The oppressed peoples, while preserving their national dignity, should unite to end imperialist domination in Asia and strengthen their real independence [Nehru (2), 1955, p. 453].

M. K. Gandhi also actively promoted the principle of forming an Inter-Asian Federation in his publications and conversations with foreign delegations. During a meeting with a delegation of Indians from South Africa in May 1946, he said literally the following:: "Today, their slogan is no longer just "Asia for Asians" or "Africa for Africans", but the unity of all the exploited peoples of the world... India will become the standard-bearer of oppressed and exploited peoples only if it is able to justify the principle of nonviolence by its own experience, and does not reject it after independence" [Nehru (1), 1955, p.637]. Thus, Gandhi made the solution of the problem of Asian unity directly dependent on the ability of its participants to follow the principles of "nonviolence" and India's leadership in this movement.

But it was not only in the Indian liberation movement after World War II that there were political forces that advocated the anti-imperialist unity of the peoples of the East. Thus, the leader of the radical wing of the patriotic forces of Burma, Aung San, was a proponent of the principle of Asian unity [Gandhi, 1969, p. 566]. Despite the fact that there was a sharp struggle for political independence in the country, these issues were discussed and put on the agenda by the new Burmese leadership [Jensen, 1966, p. 43-44]. And the Chinese government in Chongqing, following the precepts of Sun Yat-sen, also raised the slogan of Asian unity.

One of the most active promoters of such unity was the leader of the patriotic forces of Indonesia, Sukarno, who in the 1930s advocated "nonviolence" in the struggle for Indonesian independence. In the pamphlet "For a Free Indonesia" (1933), he expressed ideas close to the ideas of Mahatma Gandhi and J. R. R. Tolkien. Nehru [Mozheyko and Uzyanov, 1973, pp. 247-248]. In the Report of the Commission for the Preparation of Independence (June 1, 1945), Sukarno quotes Gandhi's well-known statement: "I am a nationalist, but my nationalism is humanity." According to the Indonesian leader, any form of "internationalism" is based on a healthy "nationalism". "We must not only create an Independent Indonesia, but we must also strive for a commonwealth of nations" (Sukarno, 1956: 199, 213). Of the five principles (panchasila) - the independent development of Indonesia - Sukarno's second principle was "internationalism".

The ideas of the united anti-colonial front of the peoples of Asia were not the product of the political thought of India alone, but its leaders not without reason claimed a leading role in this movement, and their ideological influence on this issue on other regional leaders of the national liberation movement was very noticeable.

Despite the serious difficulties associated with the actual isolation of the INC leadership, this party declared itself at the Founding Conference of the UN in San Francisco (April 25-June 26, 1945), which was attended not only by India, but also by the sovereign states of Asia and Africa (Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Liberia, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey) [Soviet Union at international..., 1980, p. 303].

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The British Indian delegation was headed by a senior official, Ramaswami Mudaliar. His advisers were British. Mudaliar spoke out in favor of the new international organization "human rights" for the peoples of Asia.

The National Congress and J. R. R. Tolkien The Nehrus achieved a representation of their position in San Francisco on the future of the colonial and dependent Asian peoples. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, a prominent figure of Inc. (sister of J. R. R. Tolkien), has arrived in California. Nehru), as well as an Indian journalist who is close in views to Nehru-Shiva Rao. He was the only representative of the Indian national press covering the work of the UN Founding Conference. In fact, a "parallel" delegation of Indian progressive forces was operating in San Francisco, which expressed the real political demands of the Indian people for the organization of the world community created on the basis of the Anti-Fascist Coalition. Already at the beginning of 1945, V. L. Pandit launched a stormy lecture and propaganda activity in the United States explaining the "Indian problem". However, W. Churchill expressed dissatisfaction with its activities "overseas". The British Prime Minister accused the connivance of the Secretary of State for India, L. Emery, who had to draw up an "explanatory note" [The Transfer of Power, Vol. V, 1971, p. 356 - 357].

An essential element of the INC's policy, supported by the All India Congress of Trade Unions (WICP) [Antonova, Bongard-Levin, Kotovsky, 1979, p. 473], became the propaganda in India and abroad of the principles of solidarity with the peoples of Indonesia, Burma, Malaya and China fighting for freedom. On October 15, 1945, Asian Liberation Day was held all over India under the leadership of the Congress. The involvement of Anglo-Indian troops in order to suppress the national liberation movement in the Southeast Asian countries was condemned. The slogan "Get out of Asia!" was published, addressed to the colonialists. N. V. Gojwil, Chairman of the INC Maharashtra Committee, said: "From the slogan' Get out of India!' We need to adopt the slogan " Get out of Asia!" and practically implement it" [The Hindu, 17.10.1945]. The Indian media published Sukarno's statements about his recognition of Gandhi's "ideals of nonviolence" and international reconstruction based on the anti-colonial unity of Asian peoples [The Hindu, 01.10.1945]. The leader of the Indonesian patriots invited Nehru to pay a visit to his country. J. Nehru immediately accepted this offer and during a personal meeting with Viceroy Wavell in New Delhi, he asked for official permission to travel to Indonesia, but was politely refused [The Transfer of Power, Vol. 6, 1972, p. 440-141].

In essence, two main directions of the INC's international orientation were defined: entering the international arena of sovereign India and solidarity with the national liberation struggle of Asian peoples.

Nehru publicly advocated the gradual establishment of a democratic union of the peoples of South and Southeast Asia on an anti-colonial basis. He took into account the intensification of the national liberation struggle of the peoples of Ceylon in the autumn of 1945.The formation of an "Indian-Lankan federation" was proposed [The Hindu, 26.10.1945]. At the Congress leadership meeting, Nehru announced his intention to travel to Burma and Malaya to build "bridges of friendship". The INC Executive Committee adopted a number of decisions on solidarity with the Southeast Asian countries in their struggle for independence. The policy of the Western powers in Indonesia, the role of the United States and Great Britain as accomplices of Dutch aggression were condemned [The Hindu, 10.12.1945]. Decisions were made on solidarity with the liberation struggle of the peoples of Southeast Asia: preparation of a" medical mission " at the expense of Congress funds to Burma and Malaya; Nehru was offered to establish direct links with the leadership of Republican Indonesia. This position of the INC was directed directly against the imperial interests of Britain in a strategically important region.

By the end of December 1945, structures were being formed for the practical organization of the Inter-Asian Conference in India. The Congress condemned the joint military actions of the Netherlands and Great Britain against the Government of the Indonesian Republic, as well as the entry of a corps of Anglo-Indian troops into Java [The Hindu, 12.11.1945].

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On December 25, 1945, in an interview with the Manchester Guardian and the Indian regional newspaper Hindu (Madras) in Allahabad, Nehru confirmed the need for an Asian Solidarity Conference that would promote mutual understanding among Asian peoples. Since that time, practical preparations for the conference have been launched. After visiting Bombay, Nehru raised 100,000 rupees to cover the costs of the Inter-Asian Conference.

February-March 1946 India was gripped by an unprecedented rise in the national liberation struggle. Sailors of the Indian Royal Navy and military personnel of land units rebelled [Political history..., 1977, p. 199], who took up arms for the independence of India. The British rulers were finally convinced that they could not hold India by force, and it was necessary to seek a compromise with the Indian liberation movement.

Under these circumstances, the British Government directly obstructed the efforts of Nehru and the Congress to promote inter-Asian solidarity. March 15, 1946-the Prime Minister of Great Britain, K. Attlee published the 2nd Labour Declaration on the Situation in India, approved in the House of Commons. It announced that India would be granted dominion status in the near future [Vate, 1971, p. 59]. At this time, Nehru arrived in Malaya to discuss the idea of Asian solidarity on a practical level. At a rally in Singapore on March 19, 1946, he spoke out in favor of an Alliance of Asian Countries against imperialism. He wanted to hold a meeting with the Burmese leadership on this issue, but did not receive a visa from the British authorities to stay in Burma. On March 26, 1946, Nehru flew from Singapore to Calcutta via Rangoon, the capital of Burma. Due to non-flying weather, the plane stopped in Rangoon for a day. There Nehru met with Burmese leader Aung San. The issue of granting equal rights to the Indian minority in the Burmese State was discussed. Both politicians expressed the opinion that it is necessary to convene a representative conference of the peoples of Asia in the near future [Hindustan Times, 31.03.1946].

The Indian politician has established ties with the leadership of the Indonesian Republic. Nehru delivered a "Message of Peace and Friendship" to Sukarno, which confirmed that Indonesia can count on the moral and political support of the people of India.

Despite all the difficulties in Indian-British relations, organizational preparations for the Inter-Asian Conference in Delhi continued. The Indian Council on Foreign Relations (ISPMO) has become the center of this activity. The Council consisted of about 600 members. Shiva Rao played a prominent role in the implementation of the idea of Asian unity. ISPMO has had links with many international organizations, such as the Institute of Pacific Studies in the United States.

At the end of April 1946, an" information meeting "of the ISPMO leadership was held to determine the "general line" of the Inter-Asian Conference. It was agreed that the conference would be "informal" and discuss "common problems" that Asian countries faced in the post-war years. The provisional agenda prepared by the secretariat included the following items: issues of racial discrimination; defense and security issues; intra-Asian emigration, status and status of emigrants; transition from a colonial to a national economy. The main issue on the agenda included the study of the "liberation movement of Asian countries": national movements for freedom; migration and racial issues; economic and social development; cultural issues; women's issue. Each of the points was subsequently to be discussed at round-table meetings [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 2, 4].

The conference secretariat also determined the number of participants of the forum in Delhi. It was decided that "all Asian countries", as well as Egypt, could participate in the Inter-Asian Representative Assembly. Observers were also invited, including Australia, New Zealand and the United States.

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New Zealand, Great Britain, the USA, and the USSR. There was an acute question of "who should be invited to participate in the conference in Delhi and through what channels". It was suggested to contact public and cultural organizations of Asian countries. For example, in Burma, there was a Council of International Relations, but in most Asian states there were no such associations. The conference participants were interested in hearing the opinions of the Palestinian people-Jews and Arabs, the Kuomintang and Chinese Communists [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 5-6].

J. Nehru was aware of the Council's activities and decisions. Through Shiva Rao, he conveyed his thoughts and wishes. Thus, he advised to include in the list of issues for discussion the "joint defense" of Asian countries and the security of the Indian Ocean region [Nasenko, 1973, p. 33-34].

It was assumed that national delegations for the trip to Delhi will be formed from representatives of "cultural associations", scientific institutes and universities. In addition, individual scientists and public figures could be invited individually. To participate in the conference, it was proposed to have up to four government observers from each participating country. Representatives of special scientific institutes (international relations, Pacific and Asian studies)could also participate in the conference Australia, New Zealand, Great Britain, the USA, and the USSR [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 5-6]. In the future, the list of observers was supplemented by representatives of the UN and the League of Arab Countries.

On August 31, 1946, the plenum of the ISPMO Executive Committee met. He formed an Organizing Committee (OC) consisting of 57 members. A Working Committee (RC) of this association was also formed. Nehru headed both of these structures. However, in September 1946, after he started working as a Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of India, he was replaced by S. Naidu, but Nehru still remained the Honorary President. 17 members were proposed for the Working Committee. Dr. A. Appolodari became the Secretary of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

In an address sent to the ISPMO office in Bombay on August 22, 1946, Nehru said of the aims and objectives of the Inter-Asian Conference: "We have no doubt that our meeting at the Conference will not put an end to international conflicts. But this Conference will help improve relations between neighboring countries. It will contribute to improving the living standards of the population of the participating countries. It will strengthen cultural, social and economic ties between the peoples of Asia. The documents and materials presented and discussed at the Conference, as well as the decisions taken by its participants, will strengthen the policy of unity of Asian countries on a real, concrete basis " [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 5, 14].

At the end of 1946, the Transitional Government, with the active support of the INC and the Central Legislative Body, finally managed to overcome India's international isolation. Now the Indian Provisional Government was able to present itself as the protector of the colonial and dependent peoples of the East. In early December, official relations with the United States were established. The policy of establishing diplomatic relations with the USSR was intensified. Thus, an agreement was signed with the USSR Academy of Sciences on scientific exchange [Vate, 1971, p. 125].

The Provisional Government continued to establish ties with Asian peoples. First of all, it was about countries such as Burma and Vietnam. Aung San said that he will pay a friendly visit to India. In February 1947, diplomatic relations were established with Kuomintang China. An experienced diplomat, K. P. S. Menon, was appointed Ambassador to this country. In turn, Nanjing sent a prominent Chinese humanist and educator, Lo Chialien, to head the embassy in Delhi [The Hindu, 26.02.1947]. This was another successful step towards the Inter-Asian Conference.

In early January 1947, the All India Student Conference was held in Delhi. Representatives of Iran, China, and Malaya participated in its work. In his speech, Nehru proposed to hold an All-Asian Student Conference in India and called for a student-led conference.

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Young people from Asian countries will participate in the movement for Asian Unity [Hindustan Times, 01.01.1947]. Similar calls from Nehru and other prominent congressists took place at the Indian Science Congress, which was attended by 18 foreign delegations, including those from the USSR, headed by the President of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Academician V. P. Volgin [Hindustan Times, 03.01.1947].

In March 1947, a question arose in the British ruling circles about the attitude towards holding an Inter-Asian Conference in India. Nehru discussed this issue personally with Governor-General Wavell [The Transfer of Power, vol. 9, 1973, p. 908]. The British side saw the Inter-Asian Conference as a threat to its imperial interests, but London was no longer able to prevent an undesirable development of events.

The inter-Asian Conference was held in a difficult situation both within India and internationally: there was a general upsurge in the national liberation movement on the scale of the Asian continent; the armed struggle of the peoples of Indochina, Indonesia, and the Middle East continued. Under these circumstances, the delegates of individual countries arrived in the capital of India with considerable risk to their lives (Shaumyan, 1989, p. 180). Among the participants of the conference there were a number of acute contradictions of a political and geopolitical nature. So, the Arabs of Palestine protested against the participation of a Jewish delegation from Tel Aviv in the conference. The Kuomintang government was not happy with the strengthening of India's international political influence, strengthening its claims to leadership in the pan-Asian movement. In addition, Nanjing was not happy that the Transitional Government received a separate delegation from Tibet.

However, J. R. R. Tolkien Nehru and his colleagues were firmly in the position of refusing to discuss issues of politics, defense, and territorial ownership in Delhi. Nehru himself considered its convening a great achievement of the inter-Asian unity movement. In his official speeches, he described it as "a milestone separating the past of Asia from its future" (Shaumyan, 1989: 180).

The main theorist and propagandist of nonviolence, M. Gandhi, refused to make any statements, limiting himself to an interview with journalists, as well as a brief word about India's contribution to the development of world culture and civilization. This much-anticipated speech took place at the final open plenary session. But the organizational and political talents of the future leaders of the independent Indian state were fully demonstrated: J. Nehru, the leader of the women's movement Sarojini Naidu, N. N. Joshi (he advocated an early agricultural revolution in all of Asia), as well as many foreign delegates and guests.

Invitations were sent to 32 countries, and 28 countries participated in the conference. The largest was the delegation of India itself, consisting of 48 people, headed by S. I'll find it. The forum was also attended by the Soviet republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The delegations of Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan arrived in Delhi after the end of the Conference [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 263, 269-271].

On the first day of the conference, all delegates settled down in the open air in accordance with the ancient Indian tradition. Sarojini Naidu, a poet known far beyond the borders of her homeland, was elected President of the conference. J. Nehru became the Honorary Chairman. The first floor was given to the head of the Preparatory Committee, Sri Ram, who focused on the historical phenomenon of Indian culture, which had a profound impact not only on the neighboring peoples of Hindustan, but also on the Asian continent as a whole. He noted that a special spiritual achievement of Indians is the introduction of the principle of ahimsa, non-shedding of blood, and nonviolence into political and international life [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 19]. Sri Ram called on the participating countries of the conference to follow nonviolence in their inter-State relations.

The inaugural address was read out by J. R. R. Tolkien. Nehru. He did not focus on the role of India in the movement for Asian unity, saying that this is not only a problem for India.,

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but also many Asian countries. According to the speaker, the pan-Asian movement will never be directed "against Europe or America."

On the first day of the plenary session, most of the representatives of the delegations gave very streamlined welcome speeches in terms of form and content. The very idea of pan-Asian unity was welcomed, the need to develop cultural ties between Asian peoples was emphasized, and the policy of "Western imperialism"was condemned. These were the speeches of the leader of the Afghan delegation, Dr. Abdul Majid Khan, J. P. Dorji of Bhutan, Dang Ngoc Chan, the head of the joint delegation of Indochina (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia), and the leader of the Egyptian delegation, Mustafa Momin [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 32, 38, 43].

The conference was attended by the heads of Soviet delegations: Professor Kalantar (Armenia), Ibragimov (Azerbaijan), Kupradze (Georgia), Sharipov (Kazakhstan), Sarimsakov (Uzbekistan). They noted that the Soviet system was able to revive and enrich the culture and social life of the "former tsarist colonies", but they did not put forward any concrete proposals to strengthen inter-Asian unity.

Following the heads of delegations, J. Nehru made a closing statement. He touched upon the Palestinian issue, but stressed that there are many other equally important issues that need to be resolved as soon as possible. As for the situation of the Jews, India has repeatedly expressed its solidarity with them during the persecution of them in Europe. J. Nehru said:" We hope and will continue to hope that if a third political force withdraws from Palestine, then others will be able to solve their problems, no matter how difficult they may be " [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 70]. J. Nehru considered the main task of the Asian and African countries to be building a new type of economy, but without isolationism.

Then the conference was held in the framework of "round tables", where the following issues were discussed: "National Movement for Freedom"; "Racial problems and intra-Asian migrations", "Transition from colonial to national economy", "Agricultural reconstruction and industrial development", "Social and labor problems", "Cultural problems", "Status of women and women's movements". It was argued that the Western powers should withdraw from their colonial possessions, and "Asia should develop the idea that imperialism can no longer effectively dominate Asian countries" [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 80-81]. Malaya's proposal to "form a neutral Asian bloc" attracted widespread attention (Asian Relations, 1948, p. 80).

Most of the participants raised international political issues relevant to their own countries, which caused some difficulties in adopting an agreed Report on the work of the national liberation movement group that was acceptable to all Asian countries. The participants of the round table on the liberation movement put forward a number of proposals, the approval of which, if they were officially adopted at the Delhi conference, would significantly advance the formation of a neutralist Asian bloc.

The round table on "Race issues and Inter-Asian migration" was chaired by the Chinese Envoy, Dr. Li Yanning, and his Deputy, Indian Diplomat K. M. Panikkar. The main participants in the discussion were representatives of India and Kuomintang China. Representatives of Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaya, Burma, and Ceylon expressed concern that the aliens would absorb their territories and completely subordinate the economic interests of the local population to their will. While maintaining their differences on a number of global issues, the representatives of China and India came out with a common position on the rights of foreign diasporas in Asian countries.

At the final plenary session of the conference on April 2, 1947, a number of important decisions were adopted, which served as the basis for the formation of the movement for the anti-imperialist unity of Asian countries and peoples. The Conference did not approve

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any memorandum or program as a guide to action. But at the final plenary session, it was decided to create an Inter-Asian Solidarity Organization. The draft resolution was submitted to the Preparatory Committee of the Inter-Asian Conference by Wen Yanying (delegate from China). It was about a permanent structure. The Committee considered this draft without any changes [Asian Relations, 1948, p. 255].

The main achievement of the nine-day work of J. R. R. Tolkien was: Nehru considered the formation of an organization of inter-Asian relations and the creation of a management structure for this organization.

The next conference was decided to be held in China, but due to the complicated political situation in the country, as well as for a number of other reasons, it never took place.

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Antonova K. A., Bongard-Levin G. M., Kotovsky G. G. Istoriya Indii [History of India]. Moscow: Mysl, 1979.

Vate B. Intrigues against India, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1971.

Gandhi M. K. Moya zhizn [My Life], Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1969.
Mozheyko I. V., Uzyanov A. N. Istoriya Burma [History of Burma]. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1973.

Nasenko Yu. P. Vneshnepoliticheskie vozreniya Dzhavakharlala Nehru [Foreign policy views of Jawaharlal Nehru].
Nehru J. Autobiography, Moscow: Politizdat Publ., 1955. (1)

Nehru J. Otkritie Indii, Moscow: Politizdat Publ., 1955. (2)

The newest history of China 1917-1970. Moscow: Mysl, 1972.
Political history of the states of Asia and North Africa. XX vek. Vol. 1. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1977.

Soviet Union at international conferences during the great Patriotic war of 1941 - 1945, vol. 5. Conference for the United Nations in San Francisco (25 April-26 June 1945). Sat. documents. M.: Publishing house of political literature, 1980.

Sukarno. Indonesia accuses, Moscow: Foreign Literature Publishing House, 1956.
Shaumyan T. L. From the history of forming the principles of India's foreign policy // Jawaharlal Nehru. Memories. Research, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1989.
Asian Relations. Report of the Proceedings and Documentations of the First Asian Relations Conference. New Delhi, March-April 1947. New Delhi: Asian Relations Organization, 1948.

The Hindu. Madras.

Hindustan Times. New Delhi.

Jensen G.H. Afro-Asia and Non-Alignment. L.: Penguin Press, 1966.

Nehru J. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru. Vol. 2. New Delhi, 1970.

The Transfer of Power (1942 - 1947). Vol. 1 - 12. L.: His Majesty Stationary Office.

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