E. I. KYCHANOV, B. N. MELNICHENKO. ISTORIYA TIBETA S DREVNEYSHIKH VREMENI I DO NASHENII [HISTORY OF TIBET FROM ANCIENT TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY]. Moscow: Vostochny lit., 2005, 351 p.

As a state, Tibet is not represented on the modern political map of the world, but its rich history and culture to a greater extent than the history and culture of many completely sovereign states attracts the attention of not only scientists, but also the general public. However, this attention has a certain selectivity. Much research is devoted to religion (both Buddhism and, to a lesser extent, bon); since the late 1950s, not without the influence of political conjuncture, many works on Tibetan statehood have appeared. However, often, especially in recent years, publications are apologetic in nature; the gospel often replaces the analytical approach.

Those Tibetan scholars who are also active religious leaders have played a role in this. This very influential group was formed from among Tibetan emigrants (including "professional" emigrants) and used the West's dislike of communist China and its (the West's) "childish" curiosity about everything mysterious to their own advantage. Many of them have become professors at prestigious universities or established their own institutes (for example, the Ligminch Institute in Charlottesville, USA), published solid volumes under intriguing titles (such as "Wonders of the Natural Mind"). therefore, they are considered the main authorities in Tibetology - I think without reason, because, knowing their own tradition very well, most of them are completely ignorant of what lies beyond it. In this regard, not only the views of the now popular Tenzin Wangyal on the emergence of the bon religious system 18-17 thousand years ago are indicative, but also the opinion of the more academic Namkai Norbu, who dates this event to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. e. Both dates are in no way connected with the real history of ancient Tibet (cf., 1998]).

If during almost the entire 20th century the leading position in Tibetology was occupied by Western science, then from the end of the century the leadership quite naturally passes to scientists of the PRC (including ethnic Tibetans), who created a number of generalizing works on the history of the country [Ge Sang-ben, Gezang Caidan, 2000; Danzhu Anben, 2000; Ji Renboze, 2003; Xizang tongshi, 2003; Tang Huisheng, 2003; Wang Yao, 2004; Ceng Guoqing, 2004; Sun Lin, 2006].

As for Russian historiography, which has traditionally shown great interest in Tibet, it contains many major works [for example, Vostrikov, 1962], which still set a high level in world Tibetology. Various aspects of the history and culture of this country are studied in detail in the monographic publications of V. A. Bogoslovsky, A. S. Martynov, A. G. Malyavkin, A. N. Kochetov, R. E. Pubaev, R.N. Dugarov, D. I. Buraev and others, and I would like to highlight the contribution of scientists of the Buryat Scientific Center, who introduced a number of scientific publications. tibetan historical sources. At the same time, there have not yet been any generalizing publications that allow combining individual achievements into a single system; they were partly replaced by books of an essay plan (Kychanov and Savitsky, 1975; Tsendina, 2002).

This peer-reviewed monograph by famous St. Petersburg Orientalists fills in the existing gap, systematically presenting the history of Tibet from ancient times to the beginning of the XXI century.

Following Chinese scientists, the authors attribute the first appearance of humans on the Tibetan Plateau to the Paleolithic era and date this event to 50 thousand years ago (p. 12, 13). This statement is based on the data of the general publication on Tibetan archaeology (Xizang ka-ogu dagan, 1991, p. 13-24), however, since the reference to the materials shows that the basis of the study is the following:

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there is a small collection of 15 tools (scrapers, pegs), 25 flakes and chips collected on the surface, for such a confident conclusion, there is no reliable geomorphological and typological evidence yet.

More promising is the study of the Druluole site (in the northern TAR), where tools were found that are typologically and technologically similar to the inventory of the Late Pleistocene Shuidonggou site in Ningxia, although they also come from surface collections [An Zhimin, Yi Fengsheng, Li Bingyuan, 1979, pp. 482, 486, 490, Fig. 3]. It can be stated that human development of high-altitude areas (over 4500 m above sea level) began in the Upper Paleolithic era, but a more accurate dating is possible only on the basis of attracting new materials obtained as a result of scientific excavations.

Intensive study of local agricultural cultures - kazho (karo) and qiugong (choigong) - over the past two decades has strengthened the position of supporters of the autochthonous Tibetan ethnic group and at the same time stimulated the emergence of the so-called Qiang problem in historiography. Chinese chronicles clearly indicate the involvement of the Western Qiang in the formation of the Tibetans, but no clear archaeological evidence of such a massive migration has yet been found. In this regard, a number of researchers (for example, H. I. Baekvet) they question the very fact of such an impact. However, at the level of individual elements in the burial rite (masonry, twisted bones) and in the inventory (vessels with a "saddle" mouth), one can trace similarities between Xiangpi-type burials, which are attributed to the early stage of the Tufan culture (the end of the 1st millennium BC), and a whole block of ancient Xiang cultures of the early and Middle Ages. developed bronze Age (machang, caiao, and siwa) on the territory of Gansu and Qihai (Xizang kaogu dagan, 1991, p. 43, 107]. Since these connections are also confirmed by data from anthropology and linguistics, the authors ' statement that the participation of the Qiang component in the formation of the Tibetan people "can hardly be denied" (p.21) seems more than fair.

Traditionally, the development of Tibetan statehood is closely linked to the spread of Buddhism. Religious historiography emphasizes the special role of the tsenpo Sontsen Gampo ruler in the adoption of the new faith. Although, as the authors show, at that time "the success of Buddhism in Tibet... they were still very modest" (p. 42). The role of state ideology was performed by bon. For several centuries, up to the X - XI centuries, it successfully competed with Buddhism for the place of the official religion, and then it was consistently assimilated and simultaneously forced out of public practice by the victorious Law.

Foreign policy factors played a decisive role in the final design of the Tibetan theocracy. The first one (in fact, not in order) Dalai Lama Sonam Gyatso realized that he was the rebirth of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara, at the headquarters of Altan Khan; the next Dalai Lama, who coincidentally turned out to be the grandson of Altan Khan, arrived in Lhasa in 1601 accompanied by a detachment of Mongol cavalry, which ensured his enthronement. At the same time, his mentor was awarded the title of Panchen Lama. These facts are worth remembering for those who like to talk about the divine nature of the Tibetan hierarchy. And in 1720, the next Dalai Lama arrived in the capital accompanied by the Qing army under the command of General Yang Xin. Thus, the Tibetan theocracy initially had no solid social support within the country and relied on armed support from outside, from the Mongols, Oirats, and then the Manchus. The conclusion of E. I. Kychanov and B. N. Melnichenko that "the recognition of the primacy of spiritual power over secular power, over centralized power in general, played a fatal role in the fate of Tibet" seems quite reasonable (p. 150).

In the first half of the twentieth century, after the weakening of China's influence on Tibetan affairs (due to the collapse of the Qing Empire, militaristic and civil wars, and then Japanese aggression), the country's leadership had a chance to achieve real independence. But to do this, it was necessary to have significant military and economic resources, which, in turn, implied the implementation of systemic reforms.

Such an attempt was made by Dalai Lama XIII and his associates and included streamlining the fiscal system, creating a "new order" army and police in Lhasa, establishing a postal and telegraph service, establishing a State bank, and introducing secular education. The Tibetan government sent armed detachments to Kam and Amdo, secretly pushing the borders of its state. Similar transformations aimed at overcoming centuries - old backwardness were carried out in the first third of the twentieth century in many Eastern countries-as a necessary response to the challenge of the era. As for Tibet, its leadership

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it only tried "to take the first steps towards modern civilization, but these steps were still clearly insufficient" (p. 229). Most of the aristocrats and heads of large monasteries rallied against them. The "living Buddhas" and "reborn ones" of the higher ranks were more concerned with their income and power than with the future of the country. As a result, the reforms ended almost without beginning (suffice it to say that the first secular school opened in Gyantse in 1923, and closed in 1926). The central government practically did not control the regions. Decrees with the seal of the Dalai Lama himself were simply ignored by local elders.

Some members of the ruling class were aware of the crisis situation. One of them, Lunchard, in 1934 attempted to introduce the election of senior officials and their responsibility to the National Assembly. But this plan, which was by no means the most revolutionary, was rejected as an attempt to introduce a "Bolshevik system of government." Lunshar was suspended and then blinded; no other such initiatives occurred. "Thus failed the last serious attempt to reform the Tibetan political system" (p.243). And any system that loses its capacity for self-development is doomed to collapse.

In my opinion, the Tibetan leadership finally put an end to the possibility of gaining full-fledged independence during the Second World War. At that time, the current Dalai Lama XIV was already at the head of the state, although he was still too young to take personal responsibility for political decisions. The entire existing management system turned out to be incompetent. Tibet adopted a position of neutrality and refused to allow military cargo to pass from India to China, which in fact harmed the combat capability of the Kuomintang army and helped the Japanese militarists. Joining the United Nations might have given the Tibetan Government a strong case for international recognition of its status, but it did not. In the post-war period, the US and British governments confirmed the Chinese affiliation of Tibet, and only the CCP's rise to power prompted them to change their position.

There is a fairly extensive scientific literature on the events related to the "peaceful liberation" of Tibet, the formation of the Tibet Autonomous Region and its development as part of Maoist China (for example, Bogoslovsky, 1978). The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph show that at the initial stages, the Chinese authorities pursued a " cautious and compromise policy... trying to get the Tibetan elite to agree to change within the framework of the united front, or at least neutralize it" (p. 278). It was on the example of Tibet, in fact, that the "one state, two systems" policy was first tested. However, the dialogue did not work out, and everything ended with the bloody events of 1959. After that, the transformations were carried out more rigidly. Beijing has decided to speed up its two-stage democratic reforms.

In the agricultural areas, the content of the first stage was "three anti -, two reduction", i.e. the abolition of the ula (corvee) regime, slavery and measures against "rebels", plus a reduction in the cost of rent and loan interest. After the completion of the first stage, the redistribution of property began. All exclusive feudal rights were abolished, then investigations were conducted to determine the composition of crimes committed by landlords, the aristocracy and their agents; the lands and production resources of those found guilty were confiscated and distributed among former slaves. The state bought land from landowners who did not participate in resistance and crimes against the population. In total, 9 thousand hectares of land and 820 thousand heads of livestock were purchased during the reform process. The amount of confiscated land reached 20 thousand hectares. About 200 thousand rubles. families of former serfs received more than 28 thousand hectares of land and other productive resources [Di Fangyao, 2002, p. 93, 94]. For comparison: the area of actually used pastures in Tibet was more than 50 thousand hectares, i.e. in fact more than half of the land was expropriated in one way or another.

The reform also affected monasteries, which owned 36.8% of the total arable land area and were the main usurer, providing 80% of all loans. They were divided into two groups: those who resisted the new government (the main ones were the three monasteries near Lhasa) and the "innocent" ones (led by Tashi-lunpo in Shigatse). A policy of transformation of varying degrees of severity was applied to them in accordance with the degree of guilt, and civil administration was introduced. The state declared respect for the religious feelings of Tibetans and the protection of their shrines, but only 553 of the 2676 monasteries and temples that existed in the region in 1961 remained after the "regularization" [Ibid., pp. 97-100]. During the years of the" cultural revolution", national culture and religion underwent a number of changes.

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violent pogroms by specially sent Red Guards detachments, which caused armed resistance on the part of Tibetans. The insurgency was crushed by the Chinese army by the early 1970s; however, real stability in the autonomous region was restored not so much by military operations as by a new course of reform and significant investment by Tibet. Suffice it to say that in accordance with the 10th five-year plan, by the beginning of the 2000s, construction of 117 facilities was completed in the TAR, which provided GDP growth by 12%, which amounted to 18.46 billion rubles in 2003. RMB. The net income of farmers reached an average of 1,691 yuan. The adopted course stimulated the development of service infrastructure and the entire third industry as a whole, which in 2003 accounted for 52% of the total economic activity of the district (in 2000 - 45.9%) [Xizang lanpi shu..., 2004, p. 121, 122, 129]. In early 2006, one year ahead of schedule, the Qinghai-Tibet Railway, one of the world's largest railway construction projects in terms of scale and complexity, was put into operation. The project was launched in 2001, and the total length of the road from Sinin to Lhasa was about 2000 km (the part of the road from Sinin to Golmud, built in 1984, was significantly upgraded). The technological complexity of the construction was due to the fact that most of the route ran at an altitude of more than 4000 m above sea level, in conditions of thin air and permafrost. Investments totaled more than $ 26 billion. RMB ($3.17 billion) US$) [Li Jiang, 2002, p. 17, 19; Four continuing..., 2003, p. 15]. Of course, such large-scale projects would not have been possible without the support of the Center.

The development of Tibet during the reform period (after 1978) is discussed in a special section of the monograph. Although the main development trends appear to be correctly identified, the presentation itself is somewhat sketchy, since it is based mainly on information and propaganda materials published in Beijing. Therefore, the progress achieved is listed in great detail (indeed, as shown above, very significant) and the shortcomings in the implementation of reforms are described very briefly. The authors overlook a number of issues that are not considered or biased in Chinese literature. These include, for example, the most important problem of adaptation to modern conditions of nomadic economy in Tibet. Most authors from the PRC clearly consider nomadism to be a backward form of management and do not want to see its development potential, as indicated by surveys conducted by scientists from other countries (Komissarov and Semkina, 2007, pp. 11-15).

Relations with the Dalai Lama's" government-in-exile " in Dharmasala and with Tibetan emigration in general are particularly complex issues, which, as recent events related to the Beijing Olympics have shown, can have quite a significant impact on world politics. In many Western countries, a fairly influential pro-Tibetan lobby has formed, in which the romantic fascination with the East is very organically combined with the desire to use the "Tibetan issue" as a lever of influence on the rapidly developing China. The great spiritual authority of H. S. Dalai Lama XIV and his personal charm also play a significant role. However, it is not historical and cultural arguments that should be taken into account first of all, but the harsh political reality, the essence of which is determined by two provisions: 1) Under no circumstances will China relinquish direct military and political control over Tibet, as this contradicts the main foreign policy paradigms of the Middle State; 2) the central government directs huge investments to the development of the TAR, especially within the framework of the strategy adopted in 2000. programs of accelerated development of western regions [Kondrashova, 2001; Chen Jiahai, Chen Haihong, 2001; Zhou Dongtao, Li Hongxia, 2006], which leads to a real improvement in the quality of life of the entire population.

Therefore, despite the complexity of the attitude towards the Chinese presence and the reverent reverence for the current Dalai Lama that is characteristic of the majority of Tibetans, it is unlikely that this majority will agree to return to the conditions of medieval theocracy, abandoning railways, modern hospitals, Internet cafes and other "benefits of civilization" that appeared in the land of snow thanks to economic reforms in the PRC. three decades.

As for the situation around Greater Tibet, which implies the inclusion of significant territories in Amdo and Kam, this division did not begin in 1951 and has its own historical reasons. The current Tibetan "government-in-exile" could demand the annexation of Sikkim and Ladakh with about the same fervor, but it is unlikely that such an interpretation of border problems would arouse understanding in India. By the way, the Tibetan government already raised this issue in 1947, but agreed to postpone its decision for the future (p. 257).

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In conclusion, the book carefully collects and analyzes most of the major works on Tibetology published both in China and abroad. Some generalizing publications published after the manuscript has been submitted to the press do not make any significant changes in the authors ' fundamental conclusions. At the same time, electronic publications contain a lot of interesting specific materials, among which I will highlight the website of the Chinese Center for Tibetan Studies based at Tsinghua University (http://www.tibetology.ac.cn), which publishes (in Chinese, Tibetan and English) information and research materials on Tibet, as well as abstracts of publications in the "Chinese Tibetological Journal".

In terms of the depth of scientific analysis and thoroughness of the conclusions obtained, the book fully corresponds to the profile of a monographic scientific study, and at the same time the book by E. I. Kychanov and B. N. Melnichenko is a unique generalization of the history of one of the key regions of Asia and as such "can serve in some way as a textbook" (p. 3),- St. Petersburg State University and deserves the closest attention of all other universities specializing in Oriental and regional studies.

list of literature

Bogoslovsky V. A. Tibet district of the PRC (1949-1976). Moscow: GRVL, 1978.

Buraev D. I. Religion of bon: the problem of origin and role in the formation of the Tibetan state of the VII-IX centuries. Ulan-Ude: Publishing House of the Buryat State University, 1998.

Vostrikov A. I. Tibetskaya istoricheskaya literatura [Tibetan Historical Literature]. Moscow: IVL, 1962.

Komissarov S. A., Semkina A. P. Traditsionnoe khozyaistvo tibettsev (na territorii PRC) [Traditional economy of Tibetans (on the territory of the PRC)]. 2007. Vol. 6. Issue 4. Oriental Studies.

Kychanov E. I., Savitsky L. S. People and gods of the land of snows. Ocherki istorii Tibeta i ego kul'tury [Essays on the history of Tibet and its Culture]. Moscow: GRVL, 1975.

Kondrashova L. I. Kitayskaya programma osvoeniya zapadnykh regionov strany [The Chinese program for the development of Western regions of the country]. (Express Information of the Institute of the Far East of the Russian Academy of Sciences, No. 9.)

Tsendina A.D. ... and the country is called Tibet. lit-ra., 2002.

Chen Jiahai, Chen Haihong. Politika regional'nogo razvitiya Kitai i ee rezul'taty: Strategiya razvitiya zapadnykh regionov PRC [China's Regional Development Policy and its Results: A Strategy for the Development of Western Regions of the PRC].
Four continuing national projects // Beijing Review. 2003. V. 46. N 39.

Li Jiang. Railroad on the highest plateau // Beijing Review. 2002. V. 45. N 44.

An Zhimin, Yi Fengsheng, and Li Bingyuan. Paleolithic and microlithic tools from the Shen'nzha and Shuanghu regions of Northern Tibet. 1979. N 6.

Wang Yao. Tsangxue gailun (Essay on Tibetology). Taiyuan: Shanxi jiaoyu chubanype, 2004.

Ge Sanben, Gezang Caidan. Qing-Tsang gaoyuan yumu wenhua (Nomadic culture of the Tibet-Qinghai plateau). Lanzhou: Gansu minzu chubanype, 2000.

Danzhu Anben. Zhangzu wenhua fazhan shi (History of the Development of Tibetan Culture), Vol. 1, 2. Lanzhou: Gansu jiaoyu chubanype, 2000.

Di Fangyao. Xizang jingjixue daolong (Guide to the Economy of Tibet). Lhasa: Xizang Renmin chubanype, 2002.

Dorji Zhenbotse (Dorji Rimpoche). Jangxue yanjiu gan lu (The Blessed Dew of Tibetological Research). Lanzhou: Gansu minzu chubanype, 2003.

Xizang kaogu dagan (The main content of the Archeology of Tibet) / Ed. Hou Shizhu. [Lhasa]: Xizang renmin chubanype, 1991.

Xizang Lanpi shu 2004: Zhongguo Xizang fazhan baogao (Blue Book of Tibet 2004 Report on the development of China's TAP). Lhasa: Xizang Renmin chubanype, 2004.

Xizang tongshi (History of Tibet) / Ed. Chen Qingying, Gao Shufen. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanype Publ., 2003.

Sun Lin. Cangzu shixue fazhan shi gangyao (The main content of the history of the development of Tibetan historiography). Beijing: Zhongguo tsangxue chubanype Publ., 2006.

Tang Huisheng. Qing-Tsang Gaoyuan Guday wenming (Ancient civilization of the Tibet-Qinghai Plateau). Xi'an: San Qin chubanype, 2003.

Ceng Guoqing. Zhangzu lishi, wenhua (Culture and history of Tibetans). Beijing: Minzu chubanype Publ., 2004.

Zhou Dongtao, Li Hongxia. Analysis and understanding of the results of the "Great Development of the West" policy in recent years / / Zhongguo sibu jingji fazhan baogao, 2006 (Report on the economic development of the Western regions of China in 2006). Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanype, 2006.

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