The article attempts to comprehensively describe the ritual and everyday practices associated with the existence of cult casting among the Komi Old Believers. The work is based on the author's field materials (interviews with informants, personal observations, photo and video materials) collected during ethnographic expeditions in 1999-2007 in the Udorsky, Ust-Kulomsky, Troitsko-Pechorsky districts of the Komi Republic, as well as archival data. Being an integral attribute of everyday life and rituals that determine religious affiliation (the sacraments of baptism and funeral requirements), cast images have become one of the symbols of Old Believers in Komi.
Keywords: Komi-Old Believers, Old Believers ' copper casting, ethno-confessional symbols, family and festive rituals.
Introduction
Since the break with the official church, it was important for the Old Believers, based on ideological considerations, to get their own samples of objects accepted for worship. After the prohibitions of the beginning of the XVIII century. Instead of using cast icons in churches and private homes, it was they who continued their production, focused on the ancient pictorial canon [Printseva, 1986; Gnutova and Zotova, 2000].
The works devoted to Old Believer casting are mainly of an art criticism nature. They address issues of attribution, classification, and dating (Printseva, 1986; Vinokurova, 1989; Gnutova, 1993; Berestetskaya, 2003), and characterize individual production centers (Druzhinin, 1993; Vinokurova et al., 1994; Yukhimenko, 2002; Zotova, 2003). Since the mid-1990s, objects of Orthodox worship, including Old Believers 'castings, have been considered as significant and" insufficiently popular " ethnographic material reflecting the religious worldview [Gnutova and Zotova, 2000; Golomyanov and Fursova].
K. V. Tsekhanskaya, who studied the tradition of icon worship in Russian culture, came to the conclusion that the icon is "a distinctive sign of the Orthodox faith", which, in turn, is "a national feature, the basis of the spiritual culture of the Russian people" [2001, pp. 300-301]. The appearance of works devoted to the existence of icons was natural in the context of domestic studies of iconic cultural means. As A. S. Mylnikov notes, " cultural signs are not just material objects, phenomena and events "in general", but entities that reflect or express the facts of a given ethnic culture " [1989, p. 28]. According to O. M. Fishman, the isolation of the Old Believers ' communities was reinforced, among other things, by "a system of materialized ethno-confessional symbols", which she refers to as leaflets, hand-me-downs, icons, and prayer clothes. These symbols, acquired from childhood and accompanying a person throughout life, contributed to the cultural consolidation of the group (Fishman, 2003, p. 201). Researchers often point out that cast icons are one of the attributes of the Old Believers, but information about their existence in different Old Believers ' groups is presented in fragmentary publications (the very fact of their existence is stated, the use of them in religious organizations is recorded).
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some rituals) [Danilko, 2002, p. 128; Dronova 2002, p. 25-26; Fishman, 2003, p. 201].
In our previous work, we found a connection between the areas of copper-cast objects and the places of residence of Komi-Old Believers (Vlasova, 2005a). This article attempts to comprehensively describe the existence of cast icons in their modern everyday and ritual life on the basis of archival and modern data. Field materials (interviews with informants, personal observations, photo and video materials) were collected during ethnographic expeditions in 1999-2007 in the Udorsky, Ust-Kulomsky, Troitsko-Pechorsky districts of the Komi Republic (ROK).
Cast icons as a symbol of "belonging to the schism"
For a long time, the Old Faith was considered exclusively as a Russian phenomenon, but it was quite widespread among the Finno-Ugric peoples (Komi-Zyryans, Komi-Permyaks, Karelians, Mordvins). The appearance of Old Believers among the Komi people in the middle of the 18th century and its initial history are connected with the Russian Old Believers [Vlasova, 2006, p.21]. The first attempts to explain the causes of this phenomenon were made in the second half of the 19th century. Missionaries and officials saw them as illiterate, the Zyryans ' lack of understanding of the Russian language, the remoteness of villages from parish churches, and the lack of communication routes. Local priests noted: "Many Zyryans accepted only the external ritual side of Christianity... and now they still remain alien to understanding the inner innermost meaning of the Christian faith" [From religious and everyday life..., 1905, p. 339]; "The population of villages remote from the center of religious life was actually bespopov. The Zyryans themselves baptized their children, and they themselves buried relatives who died without repentance before the priest, whom the Zyryans saw very rarely" [In the Pechora Region..., 1904, p. 362]. This statement is consistent with T.'s thesis. A. Bernstam on the fact that "Old Faith... It had a strong impact on the worldview of the Komi Republic, especially where there were few permanent Russian residents, Orthodoxy did not have ancient roots... Old Believers became the bearer of Christian ideas " [1990, p. 137]. The historian Yu. V. Gagarin believed that the emergence of the Old Believers among the Komi was due to the socio-economic processes of the XVIII century [1978, pp. 104-105]. In our opinion, this was also facilitated by the internal readiness of the local population to accept its main ideas. By the time of Nikon's reforms, Orthodoxy in the Komi Republic had already had a 200-year history, and Church-Orthodox rituals had become an integral part of culture and everyday life. "Our ancestors, guided by the teachings of the holy fathers, the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, the rules and rituals established before the change of all this by the Moscow Patriarch Nikon, continued to perform divine services both in deserts and hermitages, and in cities and villages, without deviating from the literal presentation of those old-printed rules," the Udorsky Old Believers wrote to the Department of General Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1886 (GAVO. F. 496. Op. 1. d. 15806. L. 29).
The most widespread Old Belief was found in three districts inhabited by the Komi Republic: on the Udora River (the middle course of the Vashka River, a tributary of the Sev. Vazhgortsky, Puchkomsky, and Chuprovsky villages, Udorsky district of the Republic of Kazakhstan); in the upper reaches of the Vychegda River (Kerchomsky and Vochevsky villages, Ust-Kulomsky district of the Republic of Kazakhstan); on the upper Pechora (Troitsko-Pechorsky, Vuktyl, and Pechorsky districts of the Republic of Kazakhstan). On Udora and Pechora, most of the inhabitants belonged to the Pomor accord, a small number - to Filippovsky, at the end of the XIX century. skrytniki (runners) appeared here. The peasants of Verkhnyaya Vychegda were adherents of the Netovsky type [Vlasova, 2006]. As for other Finno-Ugric peoples, the adoption of Old Believers in the Komi Republic did not mean the loss of linguistic and ethnic specifics [Danilko, 2007; Fishman, 2003]. It had a significant impact on self-awareness, ritual and everyday life.
Officials and priests noted the commitment of the Komi Old Believers to "antiquity", which, in their opinion, was manifested in some visual symbols. A. Popov, a teacher of the Vologda School, wrote about the verkhnevyiegodtsy: "The essence of the schism consists in duality, reading according to antiquity, walking posolon, bowing (Old Believers - V. V.) to ancient and mainly copper icons, forbidding Orthodox people to pray to their icons "(GAVO. F. 883. Op. 1. D. 183. L. 68). In the 70s of the XIX century, an old man in the village of Kerchomya showed his oratory to the writer P. V. Zasodimsky, who described it as a small room "with a lot of ancient crucifixes and folding chairs in the front corner" [1999, p. 131].
The State and the official church conducted active "anti-schismatic" activities. Part of it was the seizure of liturgical books, as well as items that testified to "deviation into schism." In 1872, "8 books, 7 canvas knee pads, torn leather rosaries, copper cast icons and crosses - 18 pieces" were seized from the Vazhgort Boz peasants. 7. Op. 1. D. 304. L. 59). In 1851, in the village of Kerch, the Old Believers were "taken away from icons, books and other things related to the divine service, sent to the ecclesiastical consistory for disposal, so that if those books turn out to be contrary to the rule of the Orthodox Church, they will be sent to the Orthodox Church."-
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voslaviya and edinoveriya, deliver them to the Ministry of Internal Affairs" (People's Commissar F. 230. Op. 1. D. 133. L. 40). Pechora mentor Nikolai Martyushev pointed out: "If we do not worship icons in the church and by ourselves, we especially prefer copper icons, as well as wooden ones, with the image of a two-syllabic cross on them "(People's Commissar. F. 99. Op. 1. D. 911. L. 65). Based on the available data, the popularity of cast icons among the Komi Old Believers in the XIX-early XX centuries can be explained by existing ideas about their "antiquity" and iconographic features (the image of the two-finger sign). Archival materials show that the local clergy and officials formed the opinion that the cast icons were one of the visible signs of belonging to the schism.
There is no reliable information about the existence of copper casting production centers in the territory of the Komi Republic. The mention of its manufacture on Verkhnyaya Pechora, which is found in the report of Yu. V. Gagarin, has no other documentary evidence (AT the KSC UrB RAS. F. 1. Op. 13. d. 159. L. 18). Items that were widely distributed among the Komi Old Believers were imported, which indicates that there are links between the Old Believer communities of the Komi Republic and their co-religionists in other regions of Russia [Vlasova, 2005a, p.10].
Modern ideas about cast images
The current situation in the Old Believers ' villages of the Komi Republic can be described as a process of gradual erosion of the religious tradition, caused both by internal problems (weakening of mentoring) and external factors (gradual assimilation and integration, missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church). The backbone of communities is usually made up of elderly women who consider themselves worldly*. Believers have little interest in the history of the schism, as well as in the dogmatic foundations of the faith; ritual practice and visual symbols of belonging to the group have become much more important. Currently, the main one is the two-finger sign-perna Paz. Residents of the studied areas say that there is also a "different faith": people who profess it are baptized with a cap/splinter, i.e. with three fingers. They emphasize that they have nothing to do with this belief: They were Old Believers, but we are worldly; those who pray with a chepel, these are generally somewhere off to the side, some Jews, they say, love chepel (O. V. Gicheva, born in 1919, Ust-Kulomsky district, 1999); no one prays with a chepel in the village, so to pray - Pray to the dog (m. V. Paleva, born in 1916, Udorsky district, 1999). Modern Old Believers confirm the correctness of their own positions, referring to "old" books and icons: You need to cross yourself with two fingers, as in images-this is a cross, and with three fingers - this is a chip (A. S. Popova, born in 1917, Ust- Kulomsky district, 1999).
In the Komi categories of cast images, the specifics of the material from which they are made are reflected, as well as certain technological features. Icons, images, and crucifixes of the Komi Old Believers are called kртrt ӧbraz (iron image), less often yrgнn ӧbraz (copper image), and folding - dzirya (dzir - "hinge"). Although the Russian word "cross" is used for other types of crosses, perna is used for undergarments, crucifixes are called images, which is probably due to the presence of images on them. On Udor, when talking about images, they specify: painted icons are called painted, painted, and recently purchased ones are called new. An elderly Old Believer from the village of Puchkoma argued that unlike painted icons, which were made by local craftsmen (as karim), cast ones were imported, they were made by " knowledgeable people "(who know the whole doctrine of the faith), so such icons are "correct" and have a special power (M. V. Paleva, born in 1916, Udorsky district, 1999). This information reflects real facts: until the 1930s, there were icon-painting workshops of skrytnik artists who were guided by ancient canons (Sharapov, 1997, p. 109).
Among the Komi Old Believers, the memory of the classification of cast images is preserved, which were divided into female and male, personal and exhibited in bozhnitsa, secular and Old Believers (M. V. Paleva, born in 1916, O. K. Sozonova, born in 1924, Udorsky district, 1999; KI. Gromova, born in 1916, Ust-Kulomsky district, 1999). At present, the tradition is gradually dying out. Throughout the Komi Republic, the division into male and female images in funeral rites has been preserved. On Verkhnyaya Vychegda and Udora, the division of images into Old Believers ' and worldly ones loses its meaning, since most believers consider themselves laymen. There is an opinion that this division was also based on external signs: Old Believers ' cast icons were colored (i.e. covered with enamels). However, the opposite is true: there were no external differences. According to available materials, lay people who attended joint prayers were forbidden to cross themselves on the displayed icons (A. A. Korovina, born in 1915, O. K. Sozonova, born in 1924, Udorsky district, 1999).
* The Old Believers ' communities of the Komi Republic, as in many other regions, were divided into two categories of believers: the true, or faithful, and the secular. Laymen are people who profess the Old Faith, but do not fulfill all religious and everyday prescriptions.
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A must-have piece of modern interior design is bozhnitsa (capacious, enchom), located in the eastern corner of the house. On the upper Viyegda it is decorated with embroidered towels, often icons stand behind curtains also with embroidery (Fig. 1). In Old Believer houses on Pechora and Udora, this practice is not found. For some Old Believers, icons are placed not in the bozhnitsa, but in a cabinet (Fig. 2), behind it, or in another secluded place. In d. Ostrovo when asked why the images are located behind the cabinet, the woman replied that her mother-in-law kept them there (O. K. Sozonova, born in 1924, Udorsky district, 1999). Often the icons stand in the women's half of the hut, located opposite the stove, separated from the rest of the house by a wooden partition or curtains. On Pechora and Udora, the images are mounted on special wooden shelves (one-or two-tiered) attached to the wall (Fig. 3). The owners themselves can only say that they were made specifically for icons. The Old Believers of the Urals also kept their own icons on a special shelf behind the curtains [Danilko, 2007, p. 38]. The presence of such "portable iconostases" in the Komi Republic, in our opinion, is explained by the fact that in the event of the arrival of unwanted visitors, the shelves along with the icons could easily be removed from the wall and moved to another place. Nineteenth-century observers noted that the Old Believers had and honored their own special images in their homes, which they placed in different corners and covered with a veil so that they would not be defiled by others ' contemplation; the icons in the front corner were not worshipped by family members, since they were intended for visitors (they were "unclean", even if they were ancient letters) [Obozrenie ..., 1863, p. 181]. At present, this argument has not lost its relevance only in Pechora, where the division into Old Believers, officially Orthodox, and skrytniki remains; in other areas, the image is kept in a secluded place due to tradition or fear of theft. The interest shown to them, in addition to researchers and museum workers, by collectors of antiques, contributes to the formation of an attitude towards icons not only as shrines, family heirlooms, but also as things of significant material value.
1. Bozhnitsa, Kerchomya village, Verkhnyaya Vychegda. Photo by V. V. Vlasova, 1999.
2. Icons in a cabinet, Pokcha village, Verkhnyaya Pechora. Photo by V. V. Vlasova, 2007
3. Hanging shelf with icons, Vylgort village, Udora. Photo by V. V. Vlasova, 2006.
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In some areas, there were rituals held in case of desecration of icons. For example, the Perm Old Believers believed that if cast images were sprinkled with holy water by a priest, they should be "cleaned": the icon was placed in an earthen vessel with ashes and water and put in the oven for several days [Ibid., p. 181]. The existence of such rites in the Komi Republic is not recorded. From the stories of our informants, it follows that by means of fire, the Komi Old Believers "cleaned" metal dishes that Mirsky touched. For example, after the children took the mug of their Old Believer grandmother (mirshchili) in the hayfield, she threw it into the fire, said a prayer, and only then used it (L. P. Korovina, born in 1936, Udorsky district, 1999). The idea of the" cleansing power " of fire is typical for various people. religious traditions. Researchers of copper casting note that one of the factors that contributed to its popularity was the peculiarity of the manufacturing technology: "purification by fire" [Gnutova, Zotova, 2000, p. 6].
As a rule, owners of cast icons know which saint or subject is depicted on them (this applies to the Virgin, St. Nicholas, Christ, Crucifixion). At the same time, many subjects are unfamiliar to believers: an elderly woman, showing the icon "Savior, Good Silence", claimed that it was an image of the Virgin. Local teachers and worshippers are much more familiar with iconography. Showing us the cast icons, one of the mentors not only named the image, but also told us in what cases it is necessary to turn to certain saints. For example, the image of" Saint Niphon - the banisher of demons " should be prayed for the deliverance of the spouse from drunkenness, the Mother of God - for family well-being and women's health (A. I. Sivkova, Udorsky district, 1999). This is probably how the transfer of knowledge from the mentor to ordinary members of the community took place. Here we are faced with a direct comparison of the image with the written text, there is a kind of "reading" of the icon. It is worth mentioning that, according to researchers, the formation of Vygovo folds is similar to the path of development of the Pomeranian book culture. The composition of the "Twelve Feasts" can be considered as " a full-blooded, well-founded visual reproduction of their (Vygovtsev - V. V.) Christian views... Just as in the manuscripts lavish references to traditional dogmatic texts reinforce the arguments given by the reprimandists, so the authority of the saints depicted on metal confirms the correctness of their positions... The screen saver-frame on the obverse of the four-leaf folding book "Twelve Holidays" suggests that the content of the folding book is like a book... "[Frolova, 1994, p. 20]. Perhaps it is precisely the idea of folding as a book that is associated with the ban on sharing it that exists among the Komi Old Believers.
Casting in the ritual practice of the Komi Old Believers
In everyday life, the handling of icons is largely ritualized. Almost everywhere there is a belief that images should be taken out of the shrine only with the right hand, because the left is "unclean". In any case, you can not put them (both cast and written) with the image down. By the color of the metal, you can determine what kind of life awaits the family: if the icon is bright and shiny, then everything is fine, if it is dark-wait for trouble (L. P. Korovina, born in 1936, Udorsky district, 1999, N. A. Tarabukina, born in 1920, Ust-Kulomsky district, 1999 Russian peasants also believed that the icon's" behavior " could be used to predict the future (its fall from Bozhnitsa foreshadowed death or loss) [Tsekhanskaya, 1998, p. 159].
For Komi, as for other peoples, it was characteristic to endow metal and metal objects with magical properties. Iron and copper (kртrt, yrgнn), according to their ideas, had healing properties, the ability to protect against evil forces, and were considered a talisman against the evil eye and damage [Ulyashev, 1999, p. 204]. Among the Old Believers of Vashka, there is a custom to put a cast crucifix in the cradle of an infant along with bread and salt to protect it from the evil eye and disease. In the "treatment of fright" (povzm), the patient drinks water, which is poured over the image (held in the right hand), and part of it should fall on his chest. In the same way, children are relieved of urinary incontinence (villages of Chuprovo, Vazhgort). They try to treat alcoholism with the water used to wash the icons - by discreetly adding it to tea or vodka to the drinker (M. M. Fomina, born in 1934, L. K. Butyreva, born in 1933, Udorsky district, 1999). Similar techniques are also practiced on Verkhnyaya Vychegda (N. A. Tarabukina, born in 1920). Ust-Kulomsky district, 1999). The water in which the icon was immersed was also used by Russian peasants to wash the patient (Tsekhanskaya, 1998, p. 143). Such remedies are not known on Verkhnyaya Pechora. Perhaps this is due to the fact that under the influence of secrecy, ideas were formed here, according to which salvation and help in case of illness can come only from prayer (Chuvyurov, 1999, p.64).
Among the Komi Old Believers, cast images are attributes of rituals marking confessional affiliation , such as baptisms, funerary and memorial rites. The Udorsky and Pechora Old Believers follow the rite of baptism set forth in the Small Potrebnik, with minor deviations; on Verkhnyaya Vychegda, the rite is significantly reduced [Vlasova, 20056, pp. 80-82]. It is obligatory not only to burn incense in the room, baptismal font, clothing of the person being baptized, but also to dip the cast wax three times.-
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pyatiya in the font with water. Censing and consecration of water with a cast cross are recorded during epiphany and in natural reservoirs on Verkhnyaya Pechora (village of Pokcha) and Udora (A. A. Korovina, born in 1915, Udorsky district, 1999; N. M. Rastvorova, born in 1937, Troitsko-Pechorsky district, 2007). Udorsky and Verkhnevychegodsky Old Believers use for this purpose not only crosses, but also icons (N. M. Davydova, born in 1938, L. K. Butyreva, born in 1933, Udorskiyr-n, 1999; E. A. Bulysheva, born in 1924, M. S. Kochanova, born in 1924, Ust-Kulomsky district- n, 1999). In the village of Chuprovo, cast images are left in the font until the end of the rite (N. M. Davydova, born in 1938, Udorsky district, 1999). T. I. Dronova points out that the Russian Old Believers of Ust-Tsilma did not consecrate water in the font in this way [2002, p. 90]. Currently, we do not have any information on other Old Believer groups. It is known that the consecration of water by immersion in the font of a cast cross during the sacrament of baptism is stipulated in the Stoglav [1997, p. 107]. On Udor, before the ceremony begins, the hosts build an "altar": cast icons are placed on a table covered with a tablecloth. In some villages, they are placed on a special hanging shelf, which is attached to the wall. Tikhvin Karelians-Old Believers baptized in front of copper images installed under the bozhnitsa [Fishman, 2003, p. 218], Russian Old Believers of Ust-Tsilma placed a font in front of the bozhnitsa [Dronova, 2002, p.87]. If there are no cast icons in the house where the baptism takes place, the mentor brings her own. A candle is lit in front of the "altar". After performing the rite, the icons are put back in their place, in bozhnitsa.
It is also mandatory to have cast images during funeral and memorial ceremonies. For dead men, a crucifix or icon with the image of a saint is placed on the chest, for women-the Mother of God (K. I. Gromova, born in 1916, K. S. Vaddorova, born in 1916, Ust-Kulomsky district, 1999), on the Pechora - respectively an icon with the image of St. Nicholas the Saint and the Mother of God [Chuvyurov, 1998, p. 39]. Russian peasants used to bury their dead with an icon in their left hand or on their chest (Tsekhanskaya, 2001, p. 311). In all the areas we surveyed, before burial, the mentor removes the icon from the coffin and passes it to relatives. Earlier, the icons were embedded in the tombstones, which is typical of the Old Believer tradition as a whole [Dronova, 2002, p.133; Danilko, 2002, p. 200]. Each Old Believer group had its own explanation for this action. For example, among the Old Believers of Ust-Tsilma, the height of the tomb structure corresponds to the height of a person, and a cast icon is attached to the upper part of the monument, imitating a breast cross (Dronova, 2002, p. 132-133). Currently, this tradition has been transformed in the Komi Republic: images are brought to the cemetery on memorial days, which is due not only to their theft from monuments, but also to the lack of opportunities to purchase cast icons. On Udora, two nails are driven into the grave cross (near the middle or upper crossbar), on which the image is installed (Fig. 4). In Pechora, it is widely believed that on the grave of a "faithful" Old Believer, within 40 days after death, there should be a cast icon inserted into a special groove on the grave cross (Fig. 5) [Chuvyurov, 1998, p. 39]. In 1968, Yu. V. Gagarin at the cemetery of d. Vozino (Verkhnyaya Pechora) recorded images in the hollows of pine trees (AT the KSC UrB RAS. F. 1. Op. 13. D. 168. l. 13). A. A. Chuvyurov notes that in the Verkhnepechorsk villages of Danilovka, Aranets, and Medvezhskaya, cast icons were installed on trees near graves [1998, p. 39].
To date, almost every family in Udora and Verkhnyaya Vychegda has an icon that is brought to the cemetery during the wake. The subjects of these images are different (images of saints, holidays, etc.), and it was not possible to identify any regularities. On Udora, at the wake (3rd, 9th, 40th days, anniversary, etc.), relatives of the deceased put all their home icons on the table, making an "altar" (Fig. 6). The mentor and worshippers read the eve of the deceased in front of him (N. M. Davydova, born in 1938, Udorsky district, 1999). In the village of Danilovka, cast images are wrapped in cloth and buried in a burial mound before the 40th day [Ibid.].
In the Old Believer villages, cast icons are an indispensable attribute of festive rituals. Everywhere on Easter they are cleaned using lime, lingonberry water (puvya va), curdled milk (shoma yov). The water used to wash the icons is poured either on the street from the red corner (they also come with water left over from the baptism of the baby), in a place where no one goes, or they water cattle with it (A. A. Korovina, born in 1915, Udorsky district, 1999; K. I. Gromova, 1916, Ust-Kulomsky district, 1999; N. M. Rastvorova, 1937, Troitsko-Pechorsky district, 2007). Among the Udorsky Old Believers, unlike other Komi people, cast icons are a mandatory attribute of rituals associated with the consecration of water: for Epiphany, in the Church of the Holy Spirit. during the local votive holiday in honor of Paraskeva Friday (Muftyuga village, Chuprovo village, Vylgort village), village holidays (Egor lun in Muftyuga and Vylgort) (N. M. Davydova, born in 1938, A. A. Korovina, born in 1915, Udorsky district, 1999; M. A. Makhotina Born in 1931, L. A. Patrakova, born in 1934, Udorsky district, 2006). According to residents of the village of Muftyugi, water from the Yegor va spring has healing properties not only on holidays. It can be dialed on a normal day, you just need to follow certain rules: come to the spring before 12 o'clock in the afternoon, put a cast icon in the water, put candles (Fig. 7), throw a metal coin and read the text of the plot: Ulyana Land, Tatiana water, Ivan's key, give me
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4. Fragment of the tomb cross during the burial, Muftyuga village, Udora. Photo by V. V. Vlasova, 2006.
5. Gravestone cross with a recess for an icon, village of Pokcha, Verkhnyaya Pechora. Photo by V. V. Vlasova, 2007
6. "Altar" at the memorial service, Chuprovo village, Udora. Photo by L. N. Muravyova, 2002.
7. Icon in the source Yegor va, Muftyuga village. Photo by V. V. Vlasova, 2006.
water from any misfortune (V. S. Paleva, born in 1949, Udorsky district, 2006). Since the beginning of the XX century, the village of Paraskeva Pyatnitsa has been the center of the holiday in honor of Paraskeva Pyatnitsa. Crooked, but from the middle to the second half of the century it began to be carried out more often. Chuprov, D. Vylgort. In d. Krivoe was traditionally washed by temple icons (from the chapel) and the image of Paraskeva, and in other villages - only cast images that were brought by residents. After washing the icons, the water is considered consecrated, and believers collect it by throwing small copper coins into the river (these actions are a mandatory part of all local holidays).
Information about the role of cast images in economic activities and other rituals is presented in our materials fragmentary. It is primarily associated with the protective functions of icons. Informants note that earlier in each hunting lodge (рr kerka), as well as in the house, a special place for icons was equipped, where they were constantly located. Currently, forest huts are visited not only by hunters from among the local population, but also by visitors who do not know and do not observe many customs. Therefore, the icons are not left there (because there were cases of theft), the hunter carries a small icon with him (A. A. Shlopov, born in 1936, Udorsky district, 1999; L. A. Rastvorov, born in 1929, Troitsko-Pechorsky district, 2007). Cast images or small folds They are placed on the inside side over the doors of barns and stables (L. K. Butyreva, born in 1933, M. V. Paleva, born in 1916, Udorsky district, 1999). It should be noted that often the images on them are erased (faces are not visible). Icons are constantly carried with them, they must be taken on a long journey. As before, cast icons
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it is customary to give as a dowry. In case of their absence, the fold is divided, despite the prohibitions (N. M. Rastvorova. Born in 1937, Troitsko-Pechorsky district, 2007).
In the early 1990s, several fires occurred in the village of Muftyug (Vashka). To prevent the spread of fire, people went around burning buildings with a cast image of the Virgin "Burning Bush", kept by one of the local residents (MA Makhotina, born in 1931, Udorsky district, 1999). The informant stressed that it is important to make a detour with this icon, so they were "taught" by their mentor. In this case, the appeal to a specific image was significant. A. B. Ostrovsky, noting that the circumambulation of burning buildings with the icon had an all-Russian distribution, also distinguishes the icon "Burning Bush" from the total number [2002, p. 148-149]. Stories about fighting fires in other villages (Vazhgort, Puchkoma, Pokcha) contain information about walking around with icons without specifying which ones, there are references to throwing knives (Puchkoma) or eggs (Vazhgort) into the fire (P. A. Shapina, born in 1916, Udorsky district, 1999; N. I. Shlopov, born 1952, Udorsky district, 2006; N. M. Rastvorova, born 1937, Troitsko-Pechorsky district, 2007).
In 1994, after a series of tragic events, residents of the village of Muftyugi placed three votive crosses: the image of the Virgin "Burning Bush" (in the center of the village), the Archangel Michael and St. Nicholas. In the 2000s, according to the will of one of the Old Believers, a small cast crucifix was embedded in the latter, just below the middle crossbar (V. S. Paleva, born in 1949, Udorsky district, 2006). These actions can be interpreted as a symbolic reconstruction of a monument that is significant for the local tradition. The cast crucifix was embedded in the" old " votive cross, which was located in the village next to Muftyuga. Verkhozerye and abducted in 1999 [Limerov, 1999].
In the village of Chuprov, the cast icon "Fiery Ascent of the Prophet Elijah", which belonged to one of the families, was revered as a village shrine: in dry weather, it was carried through the village to the river, where it was washed to cause rain (A. Ya. Bagaeva, born in 1928, Udorsky district, 1999). the drought to Elijah the Prophet was also typical for Russian peasants [Ostrovsky, 2002, p. 146]. When the icon was lost, residents of the village of Chuprova began to hold a prayer service by the river during a drought, after which they wash the votive cross erected in honor of Paraskeva Pyatnitsa. A. B. Ostrovsky notes that extreme situations expose the most important values and common life guidelines, and the means that the culture has to deal with them, make it possible to determine the social significance of- ideological attitudes of its bearers [Ibid., p. 109]. Our materials give grounds to speak about the preservation of the significance of the Orthodox tradition for the studied local groups of the Komi Republic.
Conclusion
The veneration of casting and its ritual functions in the Old Believers 'environment of the Komi Republic have a number of parallels with the Russian church and Old Believers' traditions, which indicates common Orthodox roots. For the Komi people, cast images have been one of the symbols of "belonging to the schism"since the 19th century. Modern ideas about them reflect the Christian canon and traditional beliefs. The subjects of cast icons (as well as icons of ancient writing) illustrated the main events and characters of Christian history; images of saints blessing with the two-finger sign were perceived as confirmation of the correctness of their own positions. It can be assumed that this fact explains the judgments of the Udorsky Old Believers about the" correctness " and greater value of cast images. They have become an integral part of everyday life, a mandatory attribute of the rites that determine religious affiliation: the sacraments of baptism and funeral requirements. Our materials indicate not only the general use of casting in ritual practices for all Old Believers, but also the existence of local differences (even between groups of Komi-Old Believers), which can be explained both by belonging to different beliefs and differences dating back to archaic ethnic traditions.
The perception of one's community as the guardian of "correct" books, icons, and rituals is a powerful psychological factor of consolidation and a component of group self-awareness [Danilko, 2007, p. 38]. At present, when in the Old-Faith communities of the Komi Republic ritualism is becoming almost the only way to express the faith, ethno-confessional symbols that make confessional borders visible and easily recognizable are becoming very important.
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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 11.02.09.
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