To the 80th anniversary of the revolution of 1905-1907.

The problems that have been actively and fruitfully worked out in the last decade in connection with the history of the three Russian revolutions can undoubtedly be attributed to the history of political parties. Addressing such questions as the hegemony of the proletariat, the role of the Bolsheviks in creating and consolidating this hegemony, their struggle against right and" left " opportunism in the RSDLP, the political line towards non-Proletarian parties, the tactics of the "left bloc", and the activities of the Bolsheviks among the masses, among various social strata and groups, required a study of the history of the opponents of Bolshevism. A significant step forward in understanding the evolution of non-Proletarian parties, which led them to crisis and bankruptcy, was made as a result of three All-Union scientific symposia held at Kalinin University (1975, 1979, 1981) .1
Despite the fact that the Kalinin symposia, as well as in some studies, focused on the collapse of non-Proletarian parties in 1917, a number of works reflected the formation and activities of these parties on the eve and during the first people's revolution of the early XX century. It is known that 1905-1907 was a turning point in the history of political parties in Russia. The open action of the broad working masses during these years radically changed the position of the parties and their place in the political life of the country. Suffice it to say that in the course of the revolution the Bolshevik Party, according to V. I. Lenin, changed from a union of underground circles to a party of millions of the proletariat .2 If before 1905, as Lenin emphasized in his assessment of neo-populism in 1909, it was "only a question of comparing doctrines and ideologies, of the politics of groups", then "now it is a question of comparing the historical activities of the classes and masses following this or related ideology"3 . By the time of the first Russian Revolution, bourgeois parties were formed and their political face was defined. "Russian liberalism," Lenin wrote, referring to the revo-

1 Bankruptcy of the petty-bourgeois parties in Russia. 1917-1922 Ch. I-II. M. 1977; Non-Proletarian parties of Russia in 1917 and during the civil war. M. 1980; Non-Proletarian parties of Russia in the years of bourgeois-democratic revolutions and during the maturing of the socialist revolution. M. 1982; and other publications of materials of symposia.

2 See Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 17, p. 145.

3 Ibid., p. 350.

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In the period from 1905 to 1907, he experienced in three years the evolution that took more than thirty years in Germany, and even more than a hundred years in France: the evolution from a supporter of freedom to a weak-willed and vile accomplice of absolutism. " 4
If in the Western European bourgeois revolutions the parties had the character of poorly formed political groupings, then in Russia in 1905-1907 the activity of the parties was expressed in the ideological leadership of the struggle of classes and social groups, the development of political programs, strategies and tactics, and attempts to lead the masses under their own slogans. The Russian Revolution provided, as Lenin noted, " an unprecedented confirmation of the role and significance of strong parties in the world."5 .

In this article, the task is to characterize the state of studying the activities of political parties in 1905-1907 as a result of research in the last decade .6 At the same time, it is necessary to understand which poorly studied and debatable issues of the history of political parties need to be developed first of all.

During this decade, much attention was paid to the study of Lenin's legacy. According to our calculations, more than 120 books, pamphlets and articles on Leninist subjects were published. Among them are works of theoretical and methodological, source studies, and historiographical nature. Of particular importance (from the point of view of the problem considered in the article) are those that cover the theoretical and methodological aspects of studying the history of the Bolshevik party, 7 the classification of political parties in Russia , 8 and the formation , evolution and collapse of non-Proletarian parties .9 These works contribute to raising the theoretical level of research, raising topical issues, and searching for an approach to the history of political parties as a complex topic.

In the early 1980s, monographic studies were published on Lenin's activities in 1905-1907 and Lenin's concept of the first Russian revolution .10 They analyze many of his works from the point of view of the interrelation of the theory of a new type of bourgeois-democratic revolution, concrete historical assessments of events, strategy and tactics of the Bolshevik Party with criticism of Menshevik, neo-popular and liberal views. A number of articles summarize Lenin's assessments and characteristics of various non-Proletarian couples-

4 Ibid., vol. 16, p. 459.

5 Ibid., vol. 17, p. 144.

6 To a certain extent, the results of studying political parties in the previous period are summarized in the article by G. M. Derenkovsky et al. "The main results of studying the history of the first Russian Revolution over the past twenty years" (Istoriya SSSR, 1975, No. 5).

7 Varshavchik M. A., Spirin L. M. O nauchnykh osnovakh izucheniya istorii KPSS [On the scientific foundations of studying the history of the CPSU]. Moscow, 1978; Maslov N. N. Voprosy metodologii istorii KPSS v produdeniyakh V. I. Lenin [Issues of methodology of the history of the CPSU in the works of V. I. Lenin]. Marxist-Leninist methods of historical and Party research, Moscow, 1983; Voprosy metodologii istoriko-partiynoi nauki. Kiev, 1980; Andreev O. V. Lenin's methodology of historical and party research. In: Voprosy partiynogo i sovetskogo stroitel'stva [Issues of Party and Soviet Construction], L. 1980; Zevelev A. I. Leninskaya kontseptsiya istoriko-partiynoi nauki, Moscow, 1982.

8 Kanev S. N. Lenin's classification of political parties as a method of historical and party research. In: Nekotorye voprosy metodologii istoriko-partiynogo issledovaniya [Some issues of methodology of historical and Party Research], L. 1978.

9 Spirin L. M. Some theoretical and methodological problems of studying non-Proletarian parties in Russia. In: Bankruptcy of the petty-bourgeois Parties in Russia, part I; his. Once again, on the theoretical and methodological issues of studying non-Proletarian parties in Russia. In: Non-Proletarian Parties of Russia in the years of bourgeois-democratic revolutions and during the maturing of the socialist revolution; Alekseeva G. D. Some issues of methodology for studying the ideological evolution and collapse of petty-bourgeois parties in Russia. - Ibid.; and others.

10 Lenin and the Revolution. 1905. L. 1980; Chikovani A. Y. Lenin's concept of the first bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia. Moscow, 1981; Volobuev O. V., Murav'ev V. A. Lenin's concept of the revolution of 1905-1907 and Soviet historiography. Moscow, 1982.

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tiy 11 . The study of Lenin's legacy related to the history of political parties showed the need to take into account the subjective factors of their activities related to the struggle of internal party groups, differences in the positions of their leaders and ideologists, and other circumstances.

In Lenin's assessments of the Socialist-Revolutionary and Octobrist parties, researchers draw attention to the changes that Lenin made in the assessments and characteristics of political parties due to their evolution at various stages, which require taking into account. The development of the Socialist-Revolutionary and Octobrist parties from the time of their formation to the February Revolution is now more fully revealed than before. Thus, already after the dissolution of the First Duma, Lenin made certain clarifications in the characteristics of the Octobrists given earlier, noting their tendency to approach the government camp. Lenin's views on the nature and role of bourgeois democracy and its separation from liberalism in the course of the revolution were examined .12 A comprehensive analysis of Lenin's writings showed that the leader of the Bolshevik Party considered the activities of the Social Revolutionaries in 1905-1907 as a whole contributing to the deepening of the revolutionary process. At the same time, issues related to Lenin's methodology and methods of analyzing programs, ideology, social composition, and activities of political parties need to be further developed. First of all, it is important to continue studying the methodology of party classification, which is crucial for understanding the role of each of them. There is still no comprehensive work devoted to a comprehensive analysis of Lenin's theoretical legacy on the history of political parties.

Over the past 10 years, more than 130 studies have been published on various aspects of the Bolshevik struggle for the masses, including the middle strata of cities and villages, soldiers and sailors. The main focus is on studying the hegemony of the proletariat and the leading role of the Leninist Party in the revolutionary struggle of the workers .13 Soviet historians have recreated a magnificent panorama of the struggle of the proletariat and its revolution.-

11 Maslova A. T. V. I. Lenin's Struggle against Menshevik Falsification of the Party's History during the Revolution of 1905-1907-Voprosy istorii CPSU, 1975, No. 11; Afanasyev A. L. V. I. Lenin on the Evolution and activity of the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries. In: Some Questions of the alignment of class forces on the eve of and during the Great October Socialist Revolution. Tomsk. 1976; Nazarenko S. I. V. I. Lenin on the Socialist-Revolutionary Mensheviks (on the question of the formation and class nature of the Party of People's Socialists). In: Questions of the Tactical and Organizational Leadership of the Bolshevik Party in Three Russian Revolutions, Moscow, 1979; Kanev, S. N. V. I. Lenin's Critique of the Theoretical Foundations of Anarchism during the First Russian Revolution. In: The Leninist Party's Struggle against Opportunism. L. 1980; Zhukov A. F. V. I. Lenin's critique of the adventurism of the Socialist-Revolutionaries-maximalists. - Ibid.; Smirnov V. G. Criticism of the program of the Party of People's Socialists in the works of V. I. Lenin. - Ibid.; Chervyakova M. M. V. I. Lenin on the Bund. In: Non-Proletarian parties and organizations of national regions of Russia in the October Revolution and Civil War, Moscow, 1980; Drobizhev M. I. Exposure V. I. Lenin's ideological and moral failure of the Narodniks ' tactics of individual terror. In: Problems of ideological and moral education in the theoretical legacy of V. I. Lenin, Moscow, 1981; Shelokhaev V. V. Lenin's assessments of the Octobrist Party (1905-1917). In: Autocracy and Large Capital in Russia at the end of the XIX-beginning of the XX century, Moscow, 1982.

12 Kolesnichenko D. A. V. I. Lenin on bourgeois democracy in the period of the first Russian Revolution. In: Actual problems of Soviet historiography of the First Russian Revolution, Moscow, 1978.

13 International Labor Movement. Voprosy istorii i teorii [Issues of History and Theory], vol. 3, Moscow, 1978; Rabochy klass v pervoi rossiiskoi revolyutsii 1905 - 1907 godov, Moscow, 1981; Istoriya rabochikh Donbasa, vol. 1, Kiev, 1981; Rabochy klass Sibiri v dooktyabrskoi period [The Working Class in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907]. Novosibirsk. 1982; Volin M. S. Bolshevik Party-leader of the working class, leader of the Revolution. In: Historical Notes, vol. 95; Kirillov V. S. Bolsheviks at the head of Mass political strikes in the First Russian Revolution (1905-1907), M. 1976; Shuster U. A. Petersburg workers in 1905-1907, L. 1976; Bolshevik organizations of the Volga region in the revolution of 1905-1907. Kuibyshev, 1977.

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In 1905-1907, such qualities of the proletariat as energy, firm will, and social optimism were fully manifested. For the first time in world history, the workers of Russia have shown what the proletariat is capable of when it rises to fight for its rights and for the interests of the entire people under the leadership of a party armed with the most advanced theory of social development - Marxism-Leninism.

In recent years, and this is quite natural, historians are increasingly turning to the study of the activities of the Bolsheviks during the decline of the revolution (1906-June 1907). Published studies have shown that during this period, too, a very intensive process of party, trade union and cooperative construction continued, that in the context of the decline of the revolution and the increase in police repression, with the bourgeois and landlord parties grew the consciousness of the masses, their organization, and the influence of the "left forces" on the broadest masses of the working people .14
The increased organization and consciousness of the Russian proletariat contributed to the strengthening of its alliance with the peasantry and to the growth of peasant revolts. 15 As the researchers found out, no less than 111 regional, provincial, district, and city conferences and meetings of party organizations were held during the revolution (22 in 1905, 69 in 1906, and 20 in the first half of 1907) to discuss the peasant movement and the party's activities in the countryside. On the eve of the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP, almost all social-democratic organizations took part in the discussion of the party's agrarian program. The Bolshevik conferences played an important role in the development of the revolutionary struggle in the countryside. Their decisions showed the peasants the ways and means of struggle.

The problems connected with the struggle of the RSDLP for the middle strata of the city and countryside also attracted the attention of historians : general theoretical questions of the Bolshevik strategy and tactics in relation to the middle strata, agitation and organizational work of the Leninist party among students, democratic intellectuals, various categories of employees, as well as the direct participation of local party organizations in various forms of movement. layers for the entire time of the revolution. Detailed monographs are devoted to the activities of the Bolsheviks in creating armed squads and revolutionizing the army .17 In a number of works, the activity of Bolsheviks is considered.-

14 Derenkovsky G. M., Tyutyukin S. V. The working class in the revolution of 1905-1907. In: Historical Notes, vol. 95; Makarchuk S. V. Social-democratic organizations of the Far East during the Retreat of the First Russian Revolution and during the Years of Reaction (1906-1910). diss. Tomsk. 1979; Resnyansky S. I. Bolsheviks of the Central Industrial District in the struggle for the working masses during the decline of the First Revolution (1906-June 1907). Diss. M. 1980; Nayanova G. N. The struggle of the Upper Volga Proletariat at the second stage of the First Russian Revolution of 1906-1907 (Based on the materials of the Vladimir, Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces). Author's abstract of the cand. diss. M. 1980; et al.

15 Lozhkin V. the Story of a search. M. 1979; the Peasants of Siberia in the age of capitalism. Novosibirsk. 1983; Senchakova L. T. RSDLP and the peasantry in the revolution of 1905-1907 M. 1984.

16 Bor'ba za massy v trekh revolyutsiyakh v Rossii [Struggle for the Masses in three Revolutions in Russia], Moscow, 1981; Fedyukin S. A. Partiya i inteligentsiya, Moscow, 1983; Gusev K. V., Polushkina V. A. Strategy and tactics of the Bolsheviks in relation to non-Proletarian Parties, Moscow, 1983; Buldakov V. P., Ivanova N. A., Shelokhaev V. V. Iz istorii bor'ba za massy. The main methods of influence of the Bolsheviks on the middle urban strata in the three Russian revolutions. - Questions of the History of the CPSU, 1984, No. 8; etc.

17 Senchakova L. T. Fighting army of the revolution. Essay on the combat organizations of the RSDLP and workers ' squads of 1905-1907, Moscow, 1975; Golub P. A. Bolsheviks and the Army in three Revolutions, Moscow, 1977; Popov N. N. The struggle of the Bolsheviks of the Urals for the soldier masses in three Revolutions. Saratov, 1983; and others.

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participation in councils, trade unions, cooperatives and other public organizations 18 .

The works devoted to the dissemination of Bolshevik ideas and slogans among the workers reveal the connection between the success of the revolutionary movement and the level of ideological activity of the Marxist-Leninist party, its ability to convince the masses, rally and lead them. 19 Lenin regarded the propaganda activities of social democracy as a subjective factor in the revolution. "The philistine," he wrote, " is satisfied with the indisputable, holy and empty truth that it is impossible to know in advance whether there will be a revolution or not. The Marxist is not satisfied with this; he says: our propaganda and the propaganda of all social-democratic workers is one of the determinants of whether there will be a revolution or not. " 20 Lenin believed that the social function of propaganda is to prepare the masses for revolution, to accelerate its maturation and development, and to influence its scope and scale. The deeper the revolutionary upheaval lies ahead, the more urgent and necessary is the high ideological training of the masses - a revolution in the views and views of the people. During the revolution of 1905 - 1907, everyday agitation work, closely connected with life, aimed at the general political and organizational and technical preparation of an armed uprising, took the first place. And while the propaganda work of the party at the stage of the bourgeois-democratic revolution has been studied relatively fully, the propaganda activity of the RSDLP (and especially its effectiveness) is clearly insufficient.

The greatest number of works is devoted to the study of the history of primary and regional Bolshevik organizations, their active and leading activities among the working people during the revolution .21 Essays on the history of 35 local party organizations, including those in Moscow, Leningrad, Kiev, Crimea, Dnepropetrovsk, Kharkiv, Kherson, Krasnoyarsk, and Chita, have been republished or published for the first time. The article shows the activities of the St. Petersburg and Moscow Bolsheviks during the years of the revolution, their leading influence on the course of revolutionary events in the country22 . The history of Bolshevik organizations in the Urals and the Volga region, Siberia, and Siberia is being intensively and extensively developed.-

18 Trade unions of Moscow, Moscow, 1975; Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia and Trade Unions, Collection of Articles, Moscow, 1975; Ramazov R. G. Creation of trade unions of the Petersburg proletariat and their activity in the first Russian Revolution. Author's abstract of the cand. Diss. M. 1975; Working class and Soviets in the revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. Collection of articles Ivanovo. 1976; Istoriya trade unions SSSR. Ch. I (1905 - 1937 gody). M. 1977; Priymenko A. I. Legalnye organizatsii rabochikh Yuga Rossii v period imperializma [Legal organizations of workers of the South of Russia in the period of imperialism]. 1895-February 1917 Kyiv. 1977; Puchina G.; V. Leadership of the Ural Bolsheviks in the trade union movement during the First Revolution in Russia (1905-1907). diss. Perm. 1977; Party and Cooperation, Moscow, 1978; Vonotkov V. P. The struggle of the Bolsheviks of Siberia for the preservation and development of the professional movement during the decline of the first Russian Revolution. In: Leadership of party organizations in the socio - political life of Siberia. Tomsk, 1983; and others.

19 Kostin A. F. Combat organ of the revolution. To the 70th anniversary of the newspaper "Vperyod". M. 1975; Marxism-Leninism and St. Petersburg workers (from the experience of the ideological work of Marxist-Leninists of St. Petersburg-Petrograd in 1883-1917). L. 1977; Andronov S. A. Bolshevik press in three revolutions. M. 1978; Kreilova L. N. Distribution and propaganda of works V. I. Lenin in Russia (1894-1917). L. 1981; Saralieva Z. H. Nauku bor'by - rabochiy [The science of struggle as a worker]. Propaganda of the ideas of Marxism-Leninism in the working-class movement of Russia, Moscow, 1981; Kozhevnikov V. P. Propaganda and agitation of the Bolsheviks in the pre-October period, Moscow, 1983; Activity of the Bolsheviks of the Urals on the revolutionary education of the masses of the people in 1903-1907. Chelyabinsk. 1983; and others.

20 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 22, pp. 172-173.

21 Historiography and source studies of the activities of V. I. Lenin and local party organizations in the revolution of 1905-1907. Perm. 1982.

22 Bondarevskaya T. P. Peterburgskiy komitet RSDLP v revolyutsii 1905-1907 gg. L. 1975; Klyueva A.D. Partiya bolshevikov v pervoi russkoy revolyutsii 1905-1907 gg. M. 1977.

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ri and the Far East during the first Russian Revolution 23 . The activities of party organizations in the Central Industrial District (with the exception of Moscow and the Moscow region), Ciscaucasia, Transcaucasia, and Ukraine were less actively studied. There is a need for a deeper and more comprehensive study of the revolutionary activities of social - democratic organizations in the Central Chernozem region and the north-eastern provinces of Russia, Belarus, the Baltic States, and Central Asia. It should be noted that in many works on local organizations of the RSDLP, the main focus was on internal party relations, while the concrete historical analysis of the Bolsheviks ' activities was not sufficiently covered in the masses.

The question of the size and composition of the RSDLP during the years of the Revolution requires special scientific elaboration. It should be noted that over the past 10 years, there has been progress towards solving this issue. For example, the statutes of local organizations of the RSDLP were thoroughly studied, the main aspects of the history of party building were identified, a generally fruitful attempt was made to analyze the composition of the Bolshevik party, and information on the number of local party organizations was identified and systematized .24 However, the size and composition of the Bolshevik party both during the revolution and in the subsequent period require a special monographic study. At the same time, it would be interesting to give a comparative analysis of the number of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks in the regional context, to summarize and statistically process data on the number of the RSDLP at different stages of the revolution, to analyze the influence of economic, social and national factors on the composition of local party organizations in different regions of the country. All this would contribute to a more concrete analysis of the role of the subjective factor and to determining the specifics of the revolutionary struggle in various regions of Russia.

Studies have been published on the revolutionary links between St. Petersburg and other regions of the country, as well as local party organizations with foreign Bolshevik centers .25 Historians have refuted the myth of bourgeois falsifiers about Lenin's "loneliness" in exile, about his alleged "isolation" from Russia and its revolutionary movement. On the basis of extensive factual material, they proved the existence of the closest and most indissoluble ties between the Bolshevik centers and local party organizations within the country. One of the tasks of future research is to show the impact of these links on local activities.-

23 The Bolsheviks of the Middle Urals in the Revolution of 1905-1907. Sverdlovsk. 1975; Bolshevik organizations of the Volga region in the 1905 - 1907 Revolution. Kuibyshev, 1977; Nayakshin, K. Ya., Rutberg, G. N. Bolsheviks of the Volga region in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. Saratov. 1977; Activities of local party organizations in Russia in the revolution of 1905-1907. Perm. 1978; Konyaev A. T. Bolsheviks of Siberia in the revolution of 1905-1907. In: Voprosy istorii Sibiri [Questions of the History of Siberia]. Tomsk. 1979; Activities of V. I. Lenin and Bolshevik organizations during the First Revolution in Russia. Perm. 1980; Bolsheviks of Siberia in three revolutions. Omsk, 1981; Davydenko L. I. Activity of Siberian organizations of the RSDLP during the retreat of the Revolution. Author's abstract of the cand. diss. Tomsk. 1981; and others.

24 Obichkin O. G. Charters of local organizations of the RSDLP in 1894-1917, Moscow, 1976; Volin M. S. On the question of studying the composition of the Bolshevik Party on the eve and during the Revolution. In: Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia and its World-historical significance, Moscow, 1976; Lozhkin V. V. Sostav rabochikh sotsial-demokratov i ikh rol 'v sozdanii leninskoy partii [Composition of workers' Social-democrats and their role in the creation of the Leninist Party]. - Voprosy istorii, 1983, N 7.

25 Bondarevskaya T. P. Communications of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP with the Bolshevik organizations of Russia during the First Russian Revolution. In: From the History of Three Russian Revolutions, L. 1976; Leiberov I. P. Tsebeldinskaya nakhodka. Iz istorii revolyutsionnykh svyazi mezhdu Peterburgom i Kavkazom [From the History of revolutionary relations between St. Petersburg and the Caucasus]. Moscow, 1980; Rybakov S. P. Deyatel'nost ' bol'shevikov v zarubezhnykh gruppov pomoshcheniya RSDLP predeem i v gody pervoi russkoy revolyutsii (1903-1907 gg.). Avtoref.kand. Diss. M. 1981; Kitaev M. A. Regional bureaus-authorized bodies of the Central Committee of the Party (1904-1934). M. 1982.

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party committees in 1905-1907. Revealing the international relations of the Bolsheviks in all their diversity will reveal new aspects of the historical experience of the Leninist Party, accumulated during the years of the revolution and preserved and multiplied in the subsequent period.

The revolutionary education of the vast masses of working people was carried out and carried out by the Bolshevik tactics of the"left bloc". This was especially important and necessary in such a huge petty-bourgeois country as Russia was at the beginning of the twentieth century. Among the studies on this topic, 26 we should especially mention the article that analyzes the left-bloc tactics and concludes that cooperation in mass organizations and joint struggle led to significant results .27 The practice of left-bloc tactics of the Bolsheviks is most thoroughly studied on the example of the activities of the St. Petersburg, Ukrainian, and Belarusian Bolsheviks. However, the problem needs further investigation. Thus, it is necessary to find out the general and specific features of the tactics of the "left bloc" at different stages of the revolution and in different regions of the country, to identify the most successful and characteristic examples of compromises and agreements, and the role of each petty-bourgeois party in the "left bloc"system.

Studying the problems of the revolution of 1905 - 1907, the tactical differences in the RSDLP, and the left-bloc tactics of the Bolsheviks, historians also consider the activities of the Mensheviks. In recent years, issues related to criticism of the theoretical and tactical attitudes of the Mensheviks during the revolution of 1905 - 190728 have been most actively developed . The ideological struggle in the working-class movement during the first Russian Revolution is described in the monograph on G. V. Plekhanov29 . Plekhanov's interpretation of the nature of the driving forces, the prospects of the revolution, and the tactics of social-democracy is considered in the book against the broad background of the clash of revolutionary and opportunist tendencies in the working-class movement. Identifying three trends in Menshevism in the period under consideration - the right (Axelrod, Cherevanin, Potresov), the "center" (Martov, Martynov, Dan), and the left (Trotsky, Parvus), the author substantiates the position of Plekhanov's "special" position within Menshevism. Organically rejecting his" Jacobinism, "the Menshevik leaders readily recognized Plekhanov - with every reason, of course - as their" spiritual father " along with Axelrod, and at the same time sought to prevent his influence on organizational affairs.

Thus, much has been done in the last decade to study the ideological struggle between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks, but it is untenable-

26 Zaichikov G. I. Duma tactics of the Bolsheviks (1905-1917), Moscow, 1975; Babaeva N. P. Lenin's tactics of the "left Bloc" in the Revolution of 1905-1907, Moscow, 1977; Kozitsky N. E. V. I. Lenin on the unity of the actions of the left forces. Kyiv. 1979; Kolesnichenko D. A. Parliamentary tactics of the Bolsheviks and the Narodnik bloc in the election campaign to the Second State Duma. In: Historical Notes, vol. 104; Ushakov A.V. The Struggle for the unity of the working Class of Russia, Moscow, 1981; Astrakhan, Kh. M. V. I. Lenin and the creation of the" Left Bloc " in the elections to the Second State Duma in St. Petersburg. - History of the USSR, 1982, N 2.

27 Gusev K. V. On the political line of the Bolsheviks in relation to the petty-bourgeois parties. - Kommunist, 1976, N 15.

28 Tropin V. I., Chikovani A. Yu. V. I. Lenin's critique of Menshevik falsification of the hegemony of the proletariat in the Revolution of 1905-1907-Istoriya SSSR, 1976, No. 5; Bolshevism and Reformism, ed. 2-E. M. 1978; Zarubin A. G. V. I. Lenin's exposure of Menshevik perversions of the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat in the Revolution of 1905-1907 years In: Scientific works on the history of the CPSU. Issue 96. Kiev. 1978; Historical experience of the CPSU struggle against Menshevism, Moscow, 1979; Volobuev O. V. Lenin's critique of Menshevik views on the role of Classes in the Revolution of 1905-1907. In: Questions of the Tactical and Organizational Leadership of the Bolshevik Party during the Three Revolutions, Moscow, 1980; Chikovani A. K. Bor'ba bolshevikov s opportunizm v gody pervoi russkoy revolyutsii (1905 - 1907). In: The historical significance of the CPSU struggle against Right and" left " Opportunism, Moscow, 1980.

29 Tyutyukin S. V. Pervaya rossiiskaya revolyutsiya i G. V. Plekhanov [The First Russian Revolution and G. V. Plekhanov]. Moscow, 1981.

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However, the relationship between the organizational and political forces of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks at different stages of the revolution, the specific activities of the Mensheviks in the field, and the relationship between the Menshevik leaders and the "grassroots" are still poorly understood. Some of these subjects are considered on the basis of material related to the struggle of the Bolsheviks against opportunism in the Urals, Siberia, and Belorussia .30 By exposing the Mensheviks ' betrayal of the revolutionary cause, their tactical and ideological vacillations between the working class and the bourgeoisie, historians show the successes and at the same time the difficulties that the Leninist party overcame in creating the "left bloc" and consistently pursuing the revolutionary line.

In a number of works, the struggle of the Bolsheviks against petty-bourgeois parties is considered broadly: either in chronological terms from the beginning of the century to the Great October Socialist Revolution inclusive, or in terms of the struggle against one of the parties on an all-Russian scale ,or in regional terms covering all the existing petty-bourgeois parties. 31 The forms and methods of the struggle of the Bolsheviks against their political opponents are studied on the basis of a fuller range of sources than before, and the most detailed sources (including Bolshevik periodicals and leaflets, archival materials) are used in regional studies. The increase in their number creates the necessary basis for elucidating the general picture of the Bolshevik victory in the struggle against the petty-bourgeois parties for influence over the masses.

The greatest progress has been made in the study of neo-popular parties. After the publication of the generalizing monograph on the Social Revolutionaries, 32 monographs on neo - populism in general , 33 on the struggle of the Bolsheviks against the Social Revolutionaries, and monographs and articles on the Enes and Maximalist Social Revolutionaries appeared within a decade .34 In V. N. Ginev's monograph on neo-popular parties in 1917, the agrarian programs of the Social Revolutionaries and Enes were analyzed in detail, various points of view revealed during the discussion of their projects on the eve and during the years of the Perguy Russian Revolution, attention was drawn to the fact that in the theoretical constructions of neo-narodniks, the community gradually lost its primary importance, and socialization of the land and co-operation of the peasant economy were the main elements of the Socialist-Revolutionary agrarian program; it is shown that the reformist ideas were embedded in the ideology of the Socialist-Revolutionaries even during the development of the agrarian program, and that the Socialist-Revolutionaries already in 1902-1906.

30 The struggle against opportunism for the creation and strengthening of party organizations in the Urals (1894-1917). Perm. 1975; The struggle of the Bolsheviks of Siberia against opportunism for the creation and strengthening of party organizations. Omsk, 1980; Soloshenko V. I. Bolsheviks in the fight against petty-bourgeois parties in Belarus (1903-March 1917). Minsk. 1981.

31 Kuras I. F. The triumph of proletarian internationalism and the collapse of petty-bourgeois parties in Ukraine. Kyiv. 1978; Levanov B. V. From the history of the struggle of the Bolshevik Party against the Social Revolutionaries. 1903-1917 L. 1978; Shestak Yu. I. The struggle of the Bolshevik Party against nationalism and opportunism of the Bund. M. 1980; Bulgakova N. S. The struggle of the Bolsheviks for the unity of the Party at the bourgeois-democratic stage of the revolution (1903-February 1917). M. 1981; Kornoukhov E. M. The struggle of the Bolshevik Party against anarchism in Russia. Moscow, 3981; Soloshenko V. I. Uk. soch.

32 Gusev K. V. The Party of Social Revolutionaries: from petty-bourgeois revolutionism to counterrevolution. Moscow, 1975.

33 Ginev V. N. Agrarian question and petty-bourgeois parties in Russia in 1917 L. 1977; his. The struggle for the peasantry and the crisis of Russian neo-narodism. 1902-1914 L. 1983.

34 Levanov B. V. Uk. soch.; Leonov M. I. Agrarian terror in the program and tactics of the Social Revolutionaries. In: Great October and the Revolutionary Movement in the Middle Volga Region. Kuibyshev. 1978; Zhukov A. F. Ideological and political collapse of the Socialist-Revolutionary maximalism. L. 1979; Erofeev N. D. National socialists in the first Russian revolution. M. 1979; D. A. Kolesnichenko Labour popular socialist party: some questions of programme and tactics. In: Non-Proletarian Parties of Russia in 1917 and during the Civil War.

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They considered it inevitable - after the overthrow of the autocracy - to establish the power of the liberal bourgeoisie in Russia, and they assigned themselves the role of the parliamentary opposition in the future system of political organization.

In another monograph by the same author, the struggle for the peasantry, relations within narodism and its evolution from the beginning of the 20th century to the First World War were also considered. It was noted that the role of the Social Revolutionaries and Enes in the development of the peasant movement was contradictory. On the one hand, they advocated, with varying degrees of consistency, the abolition of landed proprietorship, the transfer of land to the peasants, called on the peasants to fight "for land and freedom", and criticized the Cadets. On the other hand, the revolution clearly revealed the inability of the narodnik parties, due to their petty - bourgeois nature, to consistently fight for democracy. They repeatedly showed a tendency to come to terms with the Cadets and thereby exerted a restraining influence on the peasantry, hindered, contrary to their slogans, its political enlightenment, and combined the spontaneous agrarian movement with the conscious struggle for a democratic republic. Even representatives of the left wing of narodism, the Social Revolutionaries, took a wary and then negative attitude towards the" aggressive " agrarian movement.

The study of relations between narodnik parties and the peasantry (forms and methods of influencing the masses, the structure and functioning of the organizational apparatus, attitudes to mass movements), as well as their legal press continues. 35 On the whole, however, the petty-bourgeois press and the proclamation literature are only just beginning to develop.

Interest in the history of the largest Narodnik, Socialist-Revolutionary, party, its social nature, program, and tactics, continues unabated. A detailed analysis of the agrarian policy of the Socialist - Revolutionaries is given, and the strengthening of opportunist tendencies among them since the end of 1905, and especially during the First and Second Dumas, and at the same time explosions of petty-bourgeois revolutionism are noted.

Interesting results were achieved in regional studies. It is established that in Siberia, at the beginning of 1905, the Socialist-Revolutionary committees hardly showed themselves; during the period of the highest upsurge in the revolution, they focused mainly on propaganda and agitation among the intelligentsia, workers, and soldiers, and less on activities in the countryside. Since the height of the revolution, they have also intensified their propaganda among the peasants, reaching a preponderant influence in the countryside since the spring of 1906. The authors note the well-known positive significance of Socialist-Revolutionary activity in the Siberian countryside, due to the fact that in most cases it affected those segments of the population among whom, for various reasons, social-democratic work was either not carried out or could not yet produce quick results .36 In the Urals and Byelorussia, the Socialist-Revolutionaries were the most active participants in the revolutionary events of December 1905 among all the petty-bourgeois parties, but they did not act independently, but together with other revolutionary organizations .37
Studies have shown that in 1905 - 1907 the Socialist-Revolutionary Party evolved, striving to transform itself from a group of populist intellectuals into a mass organization. However, evolution

35 St. Smirnov Legal press in the years of the First Russian Revolution, L. 1981.

36 Kazantsev M. I. Social Revolutionaries and revolutionary agitation in the Siberian countryside in 1905-1907. In: From the history of socio-economic and political life of Siberia. Tomsk. 1976; Afanasyev A. L. Activity of Social Revolutionaries in Eastern Siberia during the Revolution of 1905-1907. In: Classes and Parties of Siberia on the Eve of and during the Great October Socialist Revolution. Tomsk. 1977.

37 Kaptsugovich I. S. History of the political demise of the SRS in the Urals. Perm. 1975; Soloshenko V. I. Uk. soch.

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this one was far from complete. Subsequent research will show how far this process went and how it manifested itself at different stages of the revolution. The characteristic features of the views and activities of the intelligentsia's "upper classes" are clarified; their tendency, on the one hand, to get carried away with adventurist tactics (the maximum expression is the tactics of individual terror), and on the other, to be afraid of a real mass movement. Hence their bureaucratic projects to contain the mass movement and their willingness to come to terms with the counter-revolutionary liberal bourgeoisie. Unlike the" upper classes", the democratic "lower classes", who were not addicted to utopian dreams and were full of fighting enthusiasm, saw their goal in seizing the landlords 'lands, in creating" peasant republics", and entered into armed struggle in the villages and on the barricades of cities. This democracy gave the Bolsheviks the opportunity to act together with the Social Revolutionaries in the struggle against all remnants of serfdom (and, as shown in the latest literature, these joint actions were not always organized). At the same time, the petty-bourgeois nature, adventurism, inconsistency of tactics, and a tendency to come to terms with liberalism determined the inevitability of the most decisive ideological struggle waged by the Bolsheviks against the Social Revolutionaries.

Research in recent years has shown that it is necessary to correct the popular perception of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in the first Russian Revolution as an exclusively conspiratorial and terrorist organization. The task is to find out the forms, scope, and main areas of agitation, propaganda, and organizational activity of the Social Revolutionaries among the masses. Unfortunately, there is still no special work that would summarize specific studies and examine all aspects of the activities of the Socialist-Revolutionary party in 1905-1907.

In the work of N. D. Yerofeyev, the Party of People's Socialists, the right - wing, opportunist wing of narodism, was first thoroughly analyzed. The characteristics of its program and tactical installations are given, the number, composition, and organizational structure are determined. The author has shown that the Enes party expressed the interests of the well-to-do peasantry, was the most moderate and unstable of the narodnik parties in the democratic camp, occupied a position bordering on the liberal camp, and showed a marked bias towards liberalism in its program and especially in its tactics .38 Its effect on the peasants was twofold: on the one hand, it stimulated the peasant masses to a certain extent to political activity, and on the other, it sowed constitutional illusions. The small party groups, which consisted mainly of petty-bourgeois intellectuals, were poorly organized, and did not conduct extensive work among the population, apart from participating in the election campaign. However, this party, which united serious theoretical forces of narodism in its ranks, exerted a significant influence on the Trudoviks. Further study is needed on the place and role of the Enes party in the system of political forces, interaction with other political organizations of petty-bourgeois democracy, the extent and degree of influence on various strata of society, and participation in non-parliamentary activities.

Significant changes have been made to the history of the labor group. There was a divergence of views on the degree of influence of the Social Revolutionaries and Enes on the labor group and, in particular, on the development and content of the agricultural "project 104". D. A. Kolesnichenko believes that, despite the strong influence of the agrarian concept of the enes, the project of the Trudoviks also reflected the influence of the Social Revolutionaries, and at the heart of it was

38 Erofeev N. D. Popular Socialists in the election campaign for the Second State Duma. - Bulletin of Moscow State University, History Series, 1976, N 6.

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it is a product of independent creativity. According to N. D. Yerofeyev, which is shared by V. N. Ginev, the "project 104-x" was based on the Enes agricultural program. Probably, to a large extent, the controversy is explained by a different understanding of the nature of the activities of the constituent parts of the narodnik movement and the structure of petty-bourgeois ideology in general, since no one denies the fact that both the Enes and the Social Revolutionaries influenced the development of the Trudovik project.

The union of Socialist-Revolutionaries-maximalists is also being studied. Maximalism as an ultra-left current of petty-bourgeois democracy emerged on the basis of the Socialist-Revolutionary ideology and reflected the interests and sentiments of those strata who were dissatisfied with the narrowness of the Socialist-Revolutionary program. Maximalism originated and was formed in the north-west of Russia, in the area of developed semi-industrial industry. It is noted that maximalist organizations were mainly located in suburban cities with an average level of industrial development; industrial areas with a large proletariat were almost not affected by maximalism. The calculations made, however incomplete, show that the greatest number of maximalist organizations occurred in 1907, after which a sharp decline began. With few exceptions, maximalist organizations were extremely small in number. The works reveal the isolation of maximalists from the mass movement, the concentration of their efforts on terrorist acts and expropriations, and the amorphous organizational structure. Only the first steps have been taken in studying this problem: there is no clear understanding of the social basis of maximalism, the relationship between maximalism and anarchism, and attempts to implement the tactics of agrarian terror.

The study of anarchism continues 39 . It is established that in Russian anarchism, which initially expressed mainly dissatisfaction of the peasantry with the oppression of the landlord state, as capitalism developed, the influence of the ideology of the "enraged" petty bourgeois increased. The anarchist groups were mainly represented by petty-bourgeois strata, declassed elements, and only a small number of workers. Considering the main trends in the spread of anarchism, the dynamics of the number of organizations, and propaganda activities, historians consider the year 1906 to be the highest point of anarchism's influence in Russia, when backward strata of workers began to be drawn into the revolutionary struggle, after which the decline began.

Among the unsolved research tasks is a more complete identification of the organizational principles of the creation of anarchist groups, their size, distribution, the relationship between the peculiarities of the social structure of different regions and the degree of influence of anarchism, and the relationship between anarchist and other political organizations.

Along with a broader study of populism than ever before, the study of political parties in the liberal-bourgeois and government camps has made significant progress over the past decade. The results of the development of this topic by the mid-70s in Soviet historiography are summarized in L. M. Spirin's monograph 40 . It deals with theoretical and methodological, source studies, and concrete historical issues of the history of these parties throughout their existence. Based on a large amount of factual material, largely introduced into scientific use for the first time, general trends are revealed

39 Kanev S. N. Anarchism and its collapse in Russia. In: Istoricheskie zapiski (Historical Notes), vol. 104. Soviet historians on the bankruptcy of anarchism in three revolutions. In: The Great October and Non-Proletarian Parties in Russia, Moscow, 1982; Kornoukhov E. M. Uk. soch.

40 Spirin L. M. The collapse of the landlords ' and bourgeois parties in Russia, Moscow, 1977.

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The reasons for the failure of their activities in 1905 - 1907 are revealed, and the number and social composition of the cadet and Octobrist parties are shown. The monograph had a stimulating influence on the further development of the problems presented in it.

The book devoted to the activities of the Cadets in 1905-190741 traces the evolution of the main party of the liberal bourgeoisie from the role of a supporter of "freedom" to aiding absolutism. It gives a detailed answer to the question of the reasons for the defeat of the cadet alternative in the bourgeois-democratic revolution of the new type.

A number of works have examined the history of the Bolshevik party's struggle against the ideology and political organizations of the liberal bourgeoisie. 42 In the latest literature, as in the previous period, the main emphasis was placed on revealing the forms and methods of the struggle of the Bolsheviks against the Cadets. As for the struggle of the Leninist party against the Octobrists, the Peaceful Renovationists, and the Democratic reform Party, these issues have been less actively studied in the literature. At present, it is necessary to prepare a monograph devoted to a comprehensive study of all forms of struggle of the Bolshevik party against non - Proletarian parties and organizations operating in the political arena in 1905-1907. We should also continue our attempts to analyze the Bolshevik press and the leaflets containing valuable material about the class essence of the bourgeois parties and their counter-revolutionary activities .43
Essential aspects of the problem are covered in works on the topic of tsarism and the bourgeoisie in 1905-1907. The behind-the-scenes negotiations between the cadet leaders and the tsarist government are described in detail (based mainly on memoir literature) in V. I. Startsev's monograph 44 . The question of the relationship between the cadets and the ruling camp was also investigated by A.V. Ostrovsky .45 Despite some controversial aspects in the interpretation of individual facts, the problem of relations between bourgeois parties and the Black-Hundred government camp in 1905 - 1907 is generally developed in the literature.

Such questions as the social structure of bourgeois parties, their programs, the process of political consolidation of the liberal bourgeoisie, and so on are largely clarified .46 Clarification of their number and composition allows us to characterize the prevalence of local organizations of bourgeois parties, the ratio of party forces by several times-

41 Shelokhaev V. V. Kadety - the main party of the liberal bourgeoisie in the fight against the revolution of 1905-1907. Moscow, 1983.

42 Kuvshinov V. A. V. I. Lenin's exposure of the counterrevolutionary character of the ideology of cadet liberalism. Voprosy istorii CPSU, 1979, No. 4; Kornev V. V., Yul'inova N. I. Bor'ba bolshevikov s bourgeois liberalism i opportunizm menshevikov v usloviyakh spada revolyutsii 1905 - 1907 gg. - Voprosy istorii CPSU, 1979, No. 9; Spirin L. M. Mezhdunarodnoe znachenie strategii i taktiki Bolshevikov po otnoshenii k neproletarskimi partiyami [The struggle of the Bolsheviks with bourgeois liberalism and Opportunism of the Mensheviks in the Conditions of the Decline of the Revolution of 1905-1907]. In: Non-Proletarian Parties of Russia in 1917 and during the Civil War.

43 Tyutyukin S. V., Shelokhaev V. V. Exposure of the Cadets in the Bolshevik leaflets of 1906-1907-History of the USSR, 1980, No. 2; Kornev V. V. Bolshevik journalism on the antidemocracy of the Cadets in the revolution of 1905-1907. In: Voprosy istoriografii i istochnikovedeniya sotsial'no - politicheskikh problemov istorii SSSR [Issues of Historiography and Source Studies of socio-political Problems of the History of the USSR], Moscow, 1982.

44 Startsev V. I. Russkaya bourzhuaziya i samoderzhavie v 1905 - 1917 gg. [Russian Bourgeoisie and Autocracy in 1905-1917], Moscow, 1977.

45 Ostrovsky A.V. Tsarism, the Cadets and the Second State Duma. In: Problemy otechestvennoi istorii [Problems of National History], Moscow, 1975.

46 Burmistrova T. Yu., Rusakova V. S. The National Question in the programs and tactics of political parties in Russia 1905-1917, Moscow, 1976; Illeritskaya E. V. The Agrarian Question: the failure of agrarian programs and policies of non-Proletarian parties in Russia, Moscow, 1981; Goryakina V. S. The Kadet Party and the National Question during the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution of 1905 - 1907 In: Non-Proletarian Parties of Russia in the Years of Bourgeois-Democratic Revolutions and in the Period of the Maturing of the Socialist Revolution.

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personal regions, the social structure of a particular party. Only the first steps have been taken in addressing these issues. Historians are faced with the task of studying local archives and the local press, which, as local studies of recent years have shown, 47 contain information on the number and social composition of provincial committees of bourgeois parties. At present, the task of a special study of the economic basis and social support of individual bourgeois parties, and of the bourgeoisie as a class as a whole, is ripe. These attempts, which have not been unsuccessful, are mostly regional in nature .48 However, the lack of general works on the history of the bourgeoisie as a class is beginning to be felt in the practice of further developing the history of the class struggle.

When studying the programs of bourgeois parties, it is important to understand the original ideological and theoretical attitudes that lay at their core. It is important to study the process of formation of bourgeois ideology, which ultimately found its expression both in the programs and in the strategy and tactics of non-proletarian parties. At the same time, it is necessary to take more fully into account new data from other social sciences.

In the latest literature, the problem of the ideological influence of bourgeois parties and organizations on the masses is developed, 49 attention is drawn to the study of not only the forms and methods, but also the very means of such influence at the disposal of bourgeois parties, to a comprehensive explanation of the collapse of their attempts to direct the movement of the masses in a reformist direction.

The works on national bourgeois parties show both the common features that brought them closer to the Russian liberal-monarchist organizations, as well as their differences .50 In the future - a comprehensive study of all-Russian and national bourgeois parties in their interaction and mutual influence.

Researchers 'interest in party ideology has increased: several articles have been published on cadet, Octobrist, and" Vekhov " assessments of the events of 1905-190751, and there are more and more source studies on the history of the Cadet party 52 .

47 Voskresenskaya N. S. Activities of cadets to attract the peasantry during the First Russian Revolution in Russia (on the example of the Tver province). In: Historiographical study of the history of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties in Russia, Moscow, 1981.

48 Rabinovich G. H. Krupnaya bourgeoisie i monopolisticheskiy kapital v ekonomiki Sibiri kontsa XIX - nachala XX V. Large Bourgeoisie and Monopolistic Capital in the Siberian Economy of the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. Tomsk. 1975; Moya na I. G. Formation of the Bourgeoisie into a political force in Siberia. Tomsk. 1978; From the history of bourgeois parties in Russia. Tomsk, 1982; Torpan N. I. Monopolistic capital in the Estonian industry (90-ies of the XIX century-1917). Tallinn. 1984.

49 Shelokhaev V. V. Failure of cadet activity in the masses (1906-1907). In: Historical Notes, vol. 95; Laverychev V. Ya. On attempts to influence the Russian liberal bourgeoisie on the working class, 1905-1907. In: The First Russian Revolution-a Dress Rehearsal for the Great October Revolution. Tbilisi. 1977.

50 Vardanyan A. The position of the Armenian Bourgeois-nationalist parties during the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. Yerevan. 1975; Mitskhulava I. I. The struggle of the Bolsheviks of Georgia against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties on the agrarian question in the period of bourgeois-democratic revolutions in Russia. In: The First Russian Revolution - the Dress rehearsal of the Great October; Seyidzade D. B. From the history of the Azerbaijani bourgeoisie at the beginning of the XX century. Baku. 1978.

51 Volobuev O. V. Revolution of 1905-1907 in the journalistic literature of Russian bourgeois historians. In: Istoricheskie zapiski (Historical Notes), vol. 102. On the question of the formation of bourgeois ideology in Russia (publicism of the Octobrists on the revolution of 1905-1907). In: Autocracy and big Capital in Russia at the end of the XIX-beginning of the XX century; Karpov V. D. 1905 and the formation of the "Vekhovskaya" counterrevolutionary ideology. Volobuev O. V., Kuleshov S. V., Shelokhaev V. V. Discussion on the role of the intelligentsia in the first People's Revolution of the XX century. In: Intelligentsia and Revolution. XX century. Moscow, 1985.

52 Kornev V. V. Documents on the struggle against the Cadets in the State Duma elections during the First Russian Revolution. - Soviet archives, 1976, N 24; his. For-

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The comparative elaboration of many aspects of cadet activity during the revolution is particularly evident in comparison with what has been done so far in the study of the October 17 Union .53 Questions about the place of the Octobrists in the system of political forces in the country, their relations with far-right parties, and "Octobrist capital" are debatable. A more in-depth study of this, in the words of contemporaries, "party of missing letters"is required.

A shift has been made in the study of the history of right-wing, landlord-monarchist organizations. L. M. Spirin, for the first time in Soviet historical literature, gave a detailed historiographical analysis of the study of this topic in Russian and foreign historiography, and subjected to detailed and, in our opinion, fair criticism certain erroneous statements in the assessment of the Black Hundred parties contained in the literature of the 20s (in particular, in the popular pamphlet by V. N. Zalezhsky). Spirin's book analyzes the programs and tactics of Black-Hundred organizations (especially the Union of the Russian People) in 1905 - 1907. On the basis of archival documents, he made significant adjustments in determining their number, describing the social composition (primarily grassroots organizations), and showed the scale of organizational and propaganda activities, especially since October-December 1905.

A number of articles have been published, and several dissertations on Black-hundred parties have been prepared .54 In these works, such poorly studied issues as the means, forms and methods of ideological influence of the Black Hundreds on the masses in 1905 - 1907 are considered on the basis of considerable archival material. The study of such a topical topic as the struggle of the Bolsheviks against the Black-Hundred parties has also begun. Researchers of these problems have a very wide range of untapped opportunities at their disposal. Documents of archives, central and local press require further systematic study. An important source is the Bolshevik leaflets, which provide considerable material for analyzing the program and tactics of the Black-Hundred unions, as well as their numbers, composition, and activities among the workers, peasants, and middle urban strata, as well as their relations with tsarism and the local administration. A special monographic study on the history of right - wing landowner and Black-Hundred organizations in 1905-1907 seems to be overdue, which would allow us to better highlight the alignment of political forces during the revolution.

The historiographical research explores criticism of all directions of non-Marxist socio-political and historical thought in Russia in their relation to the history of the revolution of 1905-1907, analyzes the assessment of its events, experience and lessons of the struggle of parties

backstage tactics of the Cadets in the revolution of 1905-1907. From the archive of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party. In: Non-Proletarian Parties of Russia in the Years of Bourgeois-Democratic Revolutions and in the Period of the Maturing of the Socialist Revolution.

53 Shelokhaev V. V. Counterrevolutionary tactics of the Octobrist Party in 1905-1907. In: Istoricheskie zapiski, vol. III.

54 Sysoeva E. K. Politika ideologicheskogo vozdeystviya chernosotennykh partii na rabochikh v gody pervoi russkoy revolyutsii [The Policy of Ideological influence of Black-Hundred Parties on Workers during the First Russian Revolution]. Author's abstract of the cand. diss. M. 1978; its same. Black-Hundred Organizations and their Struggle against the Revolutionary Movement in 1905 (based on materials from Moscow and the Moscow Province). Bulletin of Moscow State University, History series, 1978, No. 2; Bazhin A. A. V. I. Lenin on the reactionary essence of the Black Hundred movement. In: From the History of the CPSU Struggle for the Victory of Socialism and Communism, Part 8, Moscow, 1978. The struggle of the Bolshevik Party against the Black-Hundred movement during the First Russian Revolution (1905-1907). Diss. M. 1979; Stepanov S. A. Bankruptcy of the agrarian program of Black-hundred unions. Yakutsk. 1931; his own. Ideology of Black-hundred unions and organizations. In: Problemy istorii SSSR [Problems of the History of the USSR], vol. 12. M. 1982; his own. From the History of the Russian Counter-revolution (the Black Hundred and the Struggle against the Revolution of 1905-1907). Moscow, 1982.

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for their programs and slogans, for justifying their tactical line 55 . Most of his historiographical works are devoted to a critical analysis of the works of contemporary bourgeois authors who distort the history of the Bolshevik party, the nature of petty-bourgeois and bourgeois parties, and their attitude to the liberation movement in Russia at the beginning of the XX century .56
The results of research on non-proletarian political parties in Russia are summarized in the generalizing work 57 . In one of its chapters, the period of the first Russian revolution is considered, and the characteristics of not only all-Russian parties, but also national parties are given; information about the emergence of parties, their activities in 1905 - 1907, the presence of local party organizations, the number, social base, composition of governing bodies, agitation and propaganda work is clarified. The book shows the failure of the leading petty-bourgeois, liberal-bourgeois, and Black-hundred parties among the masses. By the end of the revolution, it became clear that the Mensheviks had failed to lead the workers, the Social Revolutionaries the peasants, the Cadets had been defeated in the struggle for hegemony in the liberation movement and had lost ground even in the middle strata, and the masses had turned a deaf ear to the demagogy of the Octobrists and Black Hundreds. At the same time, an impressive picture emerged of the attempts of these parties to influence the masses, which was reflected, in particular, in the publication of newspapers, magazines, proclamations, and popular pamphlets, often written very skillfully. The victory of the Bolsheviks in the struggle for the masses was a long and complex process of confronting their political opponents. Of course, the publication of this collective, generalizing monograph could not exhaust such a complex, multi-faceted topic as the history of political parties at one of the turning points in the history of Russia. Along with the generalization of historiographic material and introduction of sources, the monograph contains the formulation of new research tasks. Many unresolved issues were also discussed in this article.

I would like to draw your attention to the fact that while the attitude of the Bolsheviks towards non-Proletarian parties is generally covered, the relationship between the latter has not yet been sufficiently revealed. Thus, the system of political parties in their interaction, confrontation, and confrontation has not yet received a complete scientific description in the context of three class-political camps, ideological and political polemics, agitation and organizational work in various strata and masses. It is possible to distinguish, in particular, the following problems that need to be studied: positions, social composition and activities of local party organizations; correlation of forces and spheres of influence of political parties in various social strata by region.-

_ 55 Petrov A. P. Critique of falsification of the agrarian and peasant question in three Russian Revolutions, Moscow, 1977; Volobuev O. V. Ideological and theoretical struggle in Russia on the history of the Revolution of 1905-1907, Moscow, 1984.

56 Zyryanov P. N., V. V. shelokhaev the First Russian revolution in American and British bourgeois historiography. M. 1976; Marushkin B. I., Joffe, G. W., Romanovsky N. V. Critique of falsification of the role of the Leninist party in three revolutions. M. 1979; Criticism of the basic concepts of modern bourgeois historiography of the three Russian revolutions. M. 1983; Dumova N. G. history of the Russian bourgeois parties in the latest Anglo-American historiography. - Istoriya SSSR, 1977, N 6; ee same. Russian liberalism in the light of the latest bourgeois historiography. In: Non-Proletarian Parties of Russia in the Years of Bourgeois-Democratic Revolutions and during the Maturing of the Socialist Revolution; Ilyashchuk G. I. Istoriya partii srov v sovremennoi frantsuzskoy bourgeoisnoy istoriografii [History of the Socialist Revolutionary Party in Modern French Bourgeois Historiography]. - Ibid.; Kanisheva N. I. Bourgeois historians of the FRG on the collapse of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in 1917. Criticism of Sovietological concepts. - Ibid.; Pavlov D. B. Criticism of some concepts of modern English-language bourgeois historiography of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. In: Great October and Non-Proletarian Parties. Proceedings of the Conference, Moscow, 1982.

57 Non-proletarian parties in Russia. History Lesson, Moscow, 1984.

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the role, social composition, spheres of influence of national parties, their relations with all-Russian parties; differences in the positions of the "upper" (central leadership) and "lower" (local organizations) of petty-bourgeois and liberal-bourgeois parties. As for the characterization of individual parties, at this stage of development of Soviet historiography, it requires a comprehensive approach, which includes an analysis of the theoretical justification of programs, strategies and tactics, disclosure of their social orientation, identification of the composition of central and local party organizations, forms, means and methods of their activities, its effectiveness in relation to different social strata and in different regions. regions. This is one of the most productive and promising ways to reveal more fully the Bolsheviks ' success in the struggle for the masses, for the hegemony of the proletariat, and for strengthening the new type of party.

Summing up the analysis of historiographic material, we can state both the achievements of Soviet historians in studying political parties during the first Russian revolution, and the presence of many unresolved, debatable issues. All this indicates the relevance of the issues of the history of political parties and the need for their further research.

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