The article continues the discussion of the issues raised in our article "Criminal laws of the Tang Dynasty on the discipline of officialdom"*. If in the first article the study was based on the prohibitive laws of the Tang Dynasty, then here, on the contrary, prescriptive laws of the same time are considered. The state sought, on the one hand, to block the undesirable behavior of an official, prohibiting him under penalty of certain actions, and on the other hand, to optimize the conditions of his activity and life, allowing him those actions that, generally speaking, were prohibited or simply could not be committed by members of other social groups and estates. Unlike commoners, who at that time could live almost all their lives (unless they joined the army) in their native places without leaving, the official was obliged, firstly, to constantly move from one place of service to another, and secondly, to periodically "recharge" with official zeal at palace events, in particular who had the opportunity to have direct contact with the emperor's special person. But when he left his family, he ran the risk of being a disrespectful son and a bad relative, and when he voluntarily left his place of service to visit the capital and the palace, he risked being an unscrupulous employee. To resolve these contradictions and introduce them into the optimal legal framework, a complex and sophisticated system of holidays and days off for officials was developed. It is interesting that, unlike other cultures, where the main share of non-working days was due to religious dates, in Confucianism, this share was determined by the motives of strengthening family ties and fulfilling kinship duties.

During the Tang Dynasty of China (618-907), there were four types of legislation. First, criminal, or, to put it more precisely, prohibitive regulations , i.e. prescriptions that actually list what should not be done, and establish the correspondence of undesirable actions to certain punishments. Secondly, there are generally binding regulations (lin ) that prescribe certain norms that are common to the whole country (from, say, the size of land holdings to the time frame for processing documents in state institutions). Third, regulatory guidelines (SOEs ) that were intended for operational management and introduced, without changing the basic laws, certain clarifications to the old norms or supplemented them with new ones. And fourthly, internal regulations (shi ), which were something like service instructions 1.

In the "New History of Tang", all these four types of documents are called "documents with laws on punishments" (xingfa zhi shu ) [Xin Tang..., 1975, p. 1199]. To be

* See: Oriens. 2009. N 1.

1 The Tang Criminal Code provides an example of such instructions: according to the internal regulations of the Ceremonial Part (libu ), officials of the 5th rank and above had to wear official clothing in purple, and officials of the 6th rank and below-in red [Tang..., 1939, Article 449].

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perhaps it is even better to say "documents on laws and punishments", since for violations of other non-prohibitive norms in Soviet times, these norms themselves did not provide for punishments. In the Tang Criminal Code, there was only one article that established liability for non-compliance with them.

Anyone who violates the generally binding rule is punished with 50 blows with light sticks. It means that a generally binding regulation contains a ban or injunction, and criminal regulations [for violation of this ban or injunction] there is no specific penalty. In cases with... internal regulations, the penalty is reduced by one degree [Tang lui..., 1939, p. 449] 2.

The ban regulations of the Tang have come down to us in full. They, in fact, make up the famous Tang Code "Tang lu shu yi", which later served as a model for law-making both in imperial China under all subsequent dynasties, and in the countries of East and Southeast Asia that were part of the civilizational sphere of influence of China. Other types of laws were less fortunate. Only fragments of them have survived.

In the first centuries of imperial China, under the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-220 A.D.) and later, there was still no significant, permanent difference between prohibitive and prescriptive regulations; both were just varieties of imperial edicts, according to which the country should exist. The word lin originally means "order", "order". However, a clear delineation of their functions gradually developed. "The former included criminal laws, and the latter included non-criminal, administrative laws. The Lins, therefore, completely ceased to be a collection of imperial decrees and established themselves as an independent code along with the Liui "(Kychanov, 1986, p. 7). In other words, the ling was about how to live, and the ly was about how not to live.

The code of the Tang lins has not come down to us, but fortunately, because of their great importance for the entire life of the state, the lins were often cited in other documents of that era, including in the criminal regulations of the Lu. At one time, the greatest Japanese sinologist Niida Noboru undertook a truly titanic (from our current point of view, in the pre-computer era, it generally seems impossible) work of bringing together all the quotations and fragments of generally binding regulations that are found in the sources. The Niida Noboru Codex is called the " Collection of Preserved Mandatory Tang Regulations "(To ryo shu i). The first edition of the lin collection was published in 1933, and the second in 1964.

A huge part of the lines is devoted to various aspects of the life and service of the bureaucracy. This is understandable. Strictly regulating the life of merchants or peasants was impossible and made no sense. The correctness of settlement and payment of taxes - by and large, and all the contribution that they could make to the integral, aggregate correctness of the life of the state. The correctness of the life of the highest elite - also not completely, but only in some of its segments (the time of imperial audiences, for example) - fell under the norms prescribed by generally binding regulations. There was too much element in elitist correctness, regulated by high ritual, etiquette, and moral obligations. But the life of an official, its positive routine and negative deviations from it, expressed in official mistakes and even more so in the manifestation of self-serving aspirations, could not be entered into strict, carefully thought-out and formulated standards.

Here we will focus on just one group of these standards. They directly supplement the group of prohibitive standards related to the discipline of officialdom and reveal the opposite, but directly related to the disciplinary aspect.-

2 See also [Criminal regulations..., 2008, p. 112].

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of the official life routine. Criminal regulations regulated the strength of an official's attachment to his workplace and the conscientious performance of his duties; it is impossible to prescribe strength and integrity by a legal document, a legal document can only establish penalties for a particular violation of strength and integrity. It is possible to prescribe appropriate periods of excommunication from the workplace and the reasons for such excommunication. Therefore, it was the prescriptive, generally binding regulations that introduced norms concerning when and on what occasion the workplace could be - and should be! - leave.

As befits a civilized country, where all human rights are fully respected to the best of their understanding (understood, however, as their specific duties), in the Tang Empire, public employees were provided for days off, holidays, non-working days, and even vacations.

In most cultures, as a rule, the bulk of holidays and non-working days directly or indirectly caused by them are either related to religion (Shabbat, Easter, Christmas, New Year), or caused by secular integrating quasi-religions, albeit indirectly and covertly, but immutably sacralizing this or that statehood and its success (Independence Day, Republic Day, Bastille Day, Gunpowder Plot Discovery Day, Victory Day, etc.). Of course, China also had holidays that were simultaneous for everyone. Since ancient times, they have been associated with key points of the agricultural calendar, with the stages of the astronomical year, the highest importance of which in the state-agricultural complex, in the society-farm is quite clear and obvious. But only in China, perhaps, the scheme and system of weekends was so largely due to the emphasized respect for family values.

They, of course, were also based on religious ideas - the cult of ancestors and the need to perform related procedures; but the original and inexhaustible secularism of Confucianism led to the fact that the holidays associated with honoring deceased ancestors were linked to providing an opportunity once again for everyone to gather in a living, healthy family at the moment and " feed"joint experiences of communication between quite healthy relatives. Moreover, this provision was so insistent that the given opportunity turned into a necessity, into a duty. Imputed to the right.

The main general holidays and days off granted to officials were as follows.

On the first day of the year and on the day of the winter solstice-seven days in each period: three days-before the day of the holiday (jie ) and three days-after. On the day of the cold food Festival 3 and onward during the clear days of the season, four days were allowed. On the 15th day of the 8th moon, on the summer solstice 4 and on the day of la 5, three days were granted, one day before the feast day and one day after. On the 7th, 15th and last day of the 1st moon, on the days of the two earth offerings, spring and autumn, on the 8th day of the 2nd moon, on the 3rd day of the 3rd moon, on the 8th day of the 4th moon, on the 5th day of the 5th moon, for a day

3. The festival of cold food (hanshi ), when no fire was supposed to be lit , is the second day of the clear day season (qingming ). Qingming, the fifth of the 24 seasons that the Chinese year was divided into, was assigned to the first half of the 3rd lunar month, i.e., to April 4 or 5, and lasted until April 20 or 21 (Tsybulsky, 1987, p.32). The same term was used to refer to the actual spring festival with commemorations on graves [Bolshoy..., 1984, vol. 3, p. 208]. If we take the second meaning, then the phrase of the hanshi tong qingming text can be understood as "from the cold food festival to the spring festival".

Xiazhi 4 summer solstice season, tenth season, from June 21-22 to July 7-8. But in this case, it is clearly the day of the summer solstice itself that is meant.

5 Day la winter sacrifice to the ancestors and all spirits, performed in the 12th month of the lunar calendar, after the solstice, on the 3rd day under the sign of Rong [Bolshoy..., 1984, vol. 4, pp. 185-186].

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,6sanfu on the 7th and 15th days of the 7th moon, on the 9th day of the 9th moon, on the 1st day of the 10th moon, on the day of the beginning of spring 7, on the day of the spring equinox 8, on the day of the beginning of autumn 9, on the day of the autumn equinox 10, on the day of the beginning of summer 11, on the day of the beginning of winter 12, and also in general, each moon was provided with one free day every decade.

Metropolitan and provincial officials received field work leave on the 5th moon13, and winter clothing leave on the 9th moon14. To avoid interruptions in the work of government agencies, employees were divided into two shifts, each resting for 15 days. If the natural conditions were unusual, so that sowing or harvesting did not occur on time, vacations were given based on this, taking into account weather anomalies, so that the vacation was not wasted [Niida Noboru, 1964, p.732].

It is interesting that in later periods, for example, during the Ming and Qing dynasties, such events, as Yang Lien-sheng noted, did not occur [Yang Lien-sheng, 1961, p. 20]15.

In addition to general vacations and weekends dedicated to the all-encompassing rhythm of one-on-all nature, individual vacations were provided, timed to joyful or sad events that occurred randomly in each individual official family.

All civil and military officials, if their parents lived 3000 li16 from the official's place of service and beyond, were granted 30 days of filial care leave once every three years17. If the parents lived in 500 li or more, a 15-day leave to worship at 18 graves was granted once every five years. In both cases, the time allotted for path 19 was excluded from the vacation period. It was stipulated that if the given official within the specified period (three or five years) if a person has already been home (as the text says, "already returned home"20), then leave was granted after three or five years after returning from the corresponding trip [Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 736].

Sanfu 6 three decades of maximum summer heat or the third and last of them [Bolshoy..., 1984, vol. 2, p. 33]. This probably means the first day of this period, which opens the heat period.

- Lichun 7 season of the beginning of spring, the first of the agricultural seasons of the year, from February 4-5 to February 19-20. Here and further, we are referring, apparently, to the first days of the seasons.

Chunfen 8 -spring equinox season, the fourth, from March 20-21 to April 4-5. But this clearly refers to the very day of the vernal equinox.

- Lyceum season 9 of the beginning of autumn, the thirteenth, from 7-8 August to 23-24 August.

- Qiufen 10 autumnal equinox season, the sixteenth, from September 23-24 to October 8-9. But in this case, too, we must assume that it is the day of the autumnal equinox itself that is meant.

- Fox season 11 of the beginning of summer, the seventh, from May 5-6 to May 21-22.

- Lidun 12 season of the beginning of winter, the nineteenth, from 7-8 November to 22-23 November.

13 Tianjia

14 Shouijia

15 Here, the author suggests two possible explanations for this fact: first, the increase in government functions and affairs, so that officials became more busy, and, second, the fact that the emperor turned into a slave owner in relation to his officials.

- Li 16 is just over half a kilometer away.

17 In the text: dingshengjia T. E. vacation in order to "make your parents' bed in the evenings, and ask them about their health in the morning " [Bolshoy..., 1984, vol. 3, p. 953].

18 Baimujia

19 Regulations provided for traffic standards. Of course, if he wanted to, a hurrying official could try to surpass them - this was his own business. When traveling on horseback, the standard was 70 li per day, when driving on donkeys or on foot-50 li, when riding on a cart-30 li. Different rivers had their own standards for each one, and they also doubled depending on whether you had to move upstream or downstream. It was also planned to take into account situations when bad weather or a natural disaster made movement impossible for some time [Niida Noboru, 1964, pp. 602-603].

20 K. A. Popov comments on a similar passage from the Japanese Taihore Code, which largely copies the Tang generally binding regulations, as follows:" For example, during an official trip, an official stopped by his homeland on the way "[Code of Laws" Taihore", Vol. 2, 1985, p. 193].

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On the occasion of the majority of any of the offspring, three days of leave were granted. Upon the majority of any of the offspring of any relative with whom the official was bound by the duty to wear any of the five basic mourning ceremonies (wu fu ) in the event of his death, one day off was given. In both cases, the time allotted for the journey was not provided [Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 738]. Apparently, this meant that an official could be present in the family at such a joyful event only if the family lived with him at the place of his service. If the offspring was as far away as the parent (3000 li, 500 li, etc.), it was obviously impossible to visit them in one day.

On the occasion of marriage, nine days of leave were granted. The time allotted for travel was excluded from this period - that is, it was taken into account and provided separately, without "biting off" from the nine-day vacation period the time required to move to the family and back.

On the occasion of the marriage of one of the closest relatives (zhou qin ), i.e. relatives of the proximity of ji21, five days of leave were granted, on the occasion of the marriage of one of the relatives of the proximity of dagong22-three days, one of the relatives of the proximity of xiaogong and Sima23 - one day. In all these cases, however, the time allotted for the journey was not provided (Niida Noboru, 1964, p.736). It is stipulated, however, that if a related family living no further than 100 li from the place of service did not have a master (wu zhu )24, the time allotted for the journey was excluded from the vacation period, i.e. the official could come and arrange the wedding himself without much haste.

Whenever an official was required to wear a three-year zhancui mourning ()25, a three-year zicui mourning ()26, or a zicui mourning with a staff for the entire year 27, he was required to resign from office (jie guan ) for the appropriate period of time.-

21 That is, those for which, in cases of their death, this official would have to wear an annual mourning ji

22 That is, those who were supposed to wear the nine-month dagun mourning period

23 That is, those who were supposed to wear xiaogong's five-month mourning period or Sima's three-month mourning period

24 is not a very clear prescription. Perhaps this refers to the absence of the head of the family, the owner of the courtyard (huju ) - the Tang Code mentions, for example," women's courtyards " (niuhu). Or perhaps the absence of a marriage organizer (zhuhun). Anyway, it is clearly implied that there is no one to organize the ceremony.

25 This most severe of all possible mourning was worn by: a son-for his father; a daughter who did not leave her father's house and did not marry at the time of her father's death - for her father; a grandchild who "takes the burden" - for her male grandfather; a wife-for her father-in-law, i.e., her husband's father; if the husband "accepted the burden" and therefore wore zhancui mourning for the male grandfather, the wife also bore the zhancui husband for this grandfather; the wife - for her husband; concubines - for her husband. Regarding the term "take on the burden" (cheng zhong ): when a father died, his main son (dizi ), i.e., the eldest son of the main wife, took on the burden of mourning for his father's parents, making sacrifices to them, and maintaining their graves; he was called the main grandson (dixun ), and in other words, the first son of the main wife, took on the burden of mourning for his in this context, the " burden-bearing grandson "(Cheng zhong sun ). If both the father and the father's father, i.e., the grandfather on the male line, have passed away, this main son took the burden in relation to the great-grandfather and great-grandmother on the male line and was the great-grandson who accepted the burden. If the eldest son of the main wife was no longer present (i.e., he died), the next oldest son of the main wife assumed the burden. If the main wife had no sons, the burden was taken simply by the oldest son (from any of the concubines, as long as he was older than everyone else). In all cases, the person who accepted the burden wore three years of mourning for their respective ancestors, as for their parents [Zhongwen da qidian, Vol. 4. 1976, pp. 4430-431]. In essence, this scheme copies the scheme of inheritance of aristocratic titles.

26 This mourning was worn: son-on the mother's side; a" burden-bearing " grandchild-by his male grandmother, if his male grandfather has already died (i.e., by the wife of this grandfather, who was already a widow at the time of his death); mother - by the main son; wife-by the mother-in-law. The duration of the zhancui and zicui mourning periods was the same, but the severity was somewhat reduced in the second case (for example, a different dress was required).

27 This mourning period lasted for one year. It was worn by: a husband - by his wife or a son - by his mother, to whom the husband (the father of this son) was given a divorce or who, after the death of her husband, remarried.

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This is because the performance of ritual duties in relation to the closest and most important relatives should not have been hindered even by the performance of state duties. The family was sacred. For the period of so-called heartfelt mourning (xinsang )28 Even military personnel and border guards were granted 100 days of leave [Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 740].

Whenever a Tzicui mourned for relatives near ji 29, the official was granted 30 days of leave, five days for burial, and three days for the ceremony of removing mourning clothes. During the three-month and five-month mourning period of zicui 30, as well as during dagong 31, 20 days of leave were equally granted, three days for burial, and two days for removing mourning clothes. During the mourning period, Xiaogong 32 was granted 15 days of leave, two days for burial, and one day for removing mourning clothes. When Sima 33 was in mourning, he was granted seven days of leave, and those who were in mourning were relieved due to leaving their families (chu jiang ).34 - three days. The burial and removal of mourning clothes here were supposed to take one day each (Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 745).

In all cases of so-called early death (shan ), i.e. death in childhood, mourning for the deceased was not supposed to be worn. Nevertheless, if theoretically (i.e., if the deceased child had managed to grow up, but died after reaching adulthood), mourning for the deceased would have been one year or even more severe, the official was still given five days of leave. If a child died, for which, if he were to die in adulthood, he would have to wear dagun mourning, a three-day vacation was granted. If it was Xiaogong's mourning period, the leave would be reduced to two days, if Sima-to one day.

There was also a leave of absence in case of the death of the mentor, from whom this official had once received a Confucian education. Such a vacation was equal to three days [Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 746].

28 The Tang Code, article 121, states about heart mourning: "... sons of concubines or sons of a wife who has been divorced for one of the Seven reasons should have their mourning reduced. For all of them, a period of 25 months is a heartfelt mourning. " See also: [Criminal..., 2001, p. 65].

29 Refers to the annual tzitsui without a staff. This mourning was worn, for example, for the male grandparents, for the father's older and younger brothers and their wives, for their own older and younger brothers, for the sons of their own older and younger brothers, and so on.

30 The three-month and five-month mourning periods of zicui did not differ in length from the corresponding ordinary mourning periods of Sima and Xiaogong, but since they were worn by direct male ancestors, they differed from them in greater rigor of execution. The three-month - old Zicui was related to his great-great-grandfather and great-great-grandmother in the male line, and the five-month-old Zicui was related to his great-grandfather and great-grandmother in the male line.

31 The dagun was worn, for example, by male cousins, by grandchildren from minor wives, including the sons of the main son from his minor wives, by daughters, by the father's older and younger sisters, by the daughters of older and younger brothers who were married; it was worn by married daughters from the father's older and younger brothers, older and younger brothers, and nephews.

32 The usual xiaogong was worn by such relatives as male grandfathers (grandfather's brothers in the male line) and their wives, male grandsons of older and younger brothers, first cousins of the father and their wives, sons of first cousins of older and younger brothers, their second cousins of older and younger brothers and second cousins of older and younger sisters, etc.

33 The ordinary sima was worn by the fourth cousins of the elder and younger brothers in the male line, by the brothers and sisters of the great-grandfather in the male line, by the cousins of the grandfather in the male line, by the second cousins of the elder and younger brothers and sisters of the father, by the grandchildren in the female line, by the great-grandchildren and great-great-grandchildren in the male line, by the wives of all minor grandchildren in the male line, etc.

34 This instruction applies to married daughters and their blood relatives. For example, in Tang lu shu, this term is explained as follows: "Reduction due to leaving [the family] (chu jiang ) - meaning that the initial mourning (ben fu ) for the father's older and younger sisters and for [his] older and younger sisters is one year, and after leaving [the family] marriage - nine months" [Tang lui shu yi, 1939, article 120]. See also: [Criminal regulations..., 2001, p. 61].

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In order to avoid any doubts or ambiguities, it was specifically stipulated that the time allotted for the journey was not included in the established period of leave (thus, the time of absence from service was increased), only when leave was granted on the occasion of the death of a relative of Ji's proximity or closer. The date of the beginning of the vacation was taken as either the day of death of the relative (if the day of death and the day when the official learned about this death coincided), or the day when the news was received [Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 747].

Weekends were granted on the occasion of private mourning dates, so-called "private abstinence days" .35 It really was a day off, not a vacation - you could only be absent from work for one day. But it was stipulated that on the night preceding the memorial day, it was allowed to return to the house [Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 748].

If an official needed to perform a sacrifice 36 in the temple of his ancestors, he was also granted a vacation of five days, and the time allotted for [the journey] was not included in this period [Niida Noboru, 1964, p. 751].

If one of the relatives of an official of the ji family, or even closer relatives, suddenly became ill or had some other need, and "a long journey [threatened] to separate them for a long time" 37, the official was granted a respite commensurate with the problem. Those who were supposed to be granted such a postponement if necessary, as well as those who were unable to travel due to certain force majeure circumstances, were allowed to exclude the postponement from the legally allocated free days, i.e. the days of forced downtime did not reduce the duration of legal leave or the time allowed for training. Some examples of this kind of circumstance can be found in the Tang Code. For example, it states: "Valid reasons [for delay] include illness, the death of [a relative] , or asking for and receiving food" [Tan..., 1939, p.25].38
There was a third type of vacation in addition to, firstly, common to the entire body of officials and, secondly, due to joyful or sad events in the employee's own family.

These were vacations for training camps. Moving from one place to another from the old service to the new was common for the middle level of the bureaucracy, and sometimes it took entire journeys to make such a move. This, of course, could not be ignored.

When an official received an assignment (new or first in his career) related to moving to the place of service, he was necessarily given time to collect. If the place of service was located within 1000 li from the place of residence of the newly appointed person, he was given 40 days for training. If the official had to overcome from 1000 to 2000 li, he was given 50 days to get ready. If the duty station was located within 3000 li, 60 days were granted, and if within 4000 - 70 days. If you had to go even further, the allowed time for packing was 80 days. The time allotted for the journey was excluded from this period, i.e. it was added to the deadlines

35 The text says: siji . This term is explained in the "Great Dictionary of the Chinese Language" as sijia jizhi , i.e. the day of abstinence in a given private family [Zhongwen... Vol. 6.1976, p. 1544]. The term jizhi itself is interpreted as qinsang zhizhi, i.e. the anniversary of the death of one of the parents, and it is further explained that on this day one should refrain from all joyful, promising fun activities, such as drinking wine or playing music, so the day is called abstinence day [Zhongwen ... Vol. 3. 1976, p. 1718]. The clarification "private" (si ) emphasizes that this is a family anniversary, and not a public, not a state mourning date; the latter were called guoji , i.e. state abstinence, state abstinence days.

36 In the text: fu T. E. sacrifice to the deceased parents after the expiration of three years of mourning [Big Chinese-Russian Dictionary, vol. 2, 1984, p. 28].

37 This refers, probably, to the upcoming departure to the place of service.

38 See also: [Criminal regulations..., 1999, p. 165].

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fees. However, it was stipulated that if an official had already managed to get ready before the end of his vacation and wanted to go to the place of duty himself before the time allotted for training had expired, he was allowed to do so. Those who had a field with seedlings were kindly allowed to wait for the harvest from the field and only then leave [Niida Noboru, 1964, pp. 749-750].

Thus, the system of days off, designed and provided for the bureaucracy, perfectly demonstrates that as the main personal value for a civil servant, the state itself offered him his family circle: first, his immediate ancestors and their needs, and, secondly, his immediate descendants and their growing up, the key points of their entry into independent life are as essential to individual human existence as the key points of the astronomical year are to the organization of general agricultural labor. Respect for family ties, for the sanctity of family duty and the immutability of obligations to fulfill it also seems to be the dominant ideologeme here.

list of literature

Large Chinese-Russian Dictionary / Edited by Professor I. M. Oshanin, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1984.

Kychanov E. I. Osnovy srednevekovogo kitayskogo prava (VII - XIII vv.) [Fundamentals of medieval Chinese Law (VII-XIII vv.)]. Moscow: Nauka, 1986.

Svod zakonov "Taihore" [Code of Laws "Taihore"]. 2. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1985-1989.

Criminal regulations of Tan with explanations (Tan lui shu yi) / Introduction, transl. from kit. and commentary by V. M. Rybakov. Tszyuani 9-16. St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie, 2001.

Criminal regulations of Tan with explanations (Tan lui shu yi) / Introduction, translated from kit. and comm. by V. M. Rybakov. Juani 25-30. St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie Publ., 2008.

Tsybulsky V. V. Lunno-solnechny kalendar stran Vostochnoi Azii [Lunar and solar calendar of East Asian countries]. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1987.

Niida Noboru. To re xiu yi (A collection of preserved mandatory Tang regulations). Tokyo, 1964.

Xin Tang shu (New Tang Story). Beijing, 1975.

Tang lui shu yi (Criminal regulations of Tang with explanations) / / Congshu jicheng (Library-series), Vol. 775, 780. Shanghai, 1939.

Zhong wen da ci dian (Large Dictionary of the Chinese Language). Taipei, 1976.

Yang Lien-sheng. Schedules of Work and Rest in Imperial China // Studies in Chinese Institutional History. Cambridge, 1961.

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