The history of ancient Champa, a country in Central Vietnam, has long attracted the attention of researchers1. The limited range of sources, especially authentic ones, sometimes leads to risky reconstructions and forces us to revisit the original texts of ancient rulers in order to restore a reliable picture of the past. This article attempts to translate texts that belonged to and / or related to King Bhadravarman I. For palaeographic reasons, it reigned in the fifth century (Finot, 1902, p. 186; Majumdar, 1927 (1), p. 27), although it is sometimes placed in the beginning of the sixth century (Southworth, 2004, p. 222; Schweyer, 2006, p. 154, 165, 179).2. It is true that inscriptions were written before him (Wokang and Dong Yen Chau [Filliozat, 1969, p. 107-116; Coedès, 1939, p. 39-52]), but only with the texts of Bhadravarman does the stable epigraphic tradition of Champa begin.

Keywords: Vietnam, Champa, Michon, inscriptions, Bhadravarman.

The Chams are a people who spoke one of the languages of the Western Malayo-Polynesian group of the Austronesian language family, but the earliest texts (with the exception of the Dong Yen Chau inscription) are written in Sanskrit, which was borrowed from India. The question of the time when the Chams settled in Central Vietnam is still being discussed in science. The most widely accepted theories now associate their appearance on the continent with the second half or the last two centuries of the 1st millennium BC [Southworth, 2004, p. 212-213; Vickery, 2005; 2009]. When the Cham arrived in Central Vietnam, they encountered a Mon-Khmer population. They were seafarers, like other Austronesians, 3 and this greatly contributed to the emergence of stable contacts with the surrounding world, including with the inhabitants of Hindustan, from which Sanskrit was brought.

For a long time, Champa was considered as a single state, which Chinese sources call Linyi (Finot, 1902, p. 191; Majumdar, 1927; Maspéro, 1928; Coedès, 1968; Deopic, 1986; 2006). Both of these ideas have been contested in recent years. Champa is now interpreted as a set of polities created by the Cham-speaking inhabitants of Central Vietnam (Southworth, 2004, p. 209-233).

The author is deeply grateful to V. R. Atnashev for his advice on Vietnamese toponymy and onomastics.

1 In Russian historiography, chams were studied by N. F. Aliyeva (language), V. R. Atnashev (literature and culture), and D. V. Deopik (agrarian history). See: [Aliyeva, Bui Khan The, 1999; Atnashev, 2001; Deopik, 1986; 2006].

2 Bhadravarman is called I because there are dated inscriptions from the early 10th and 11th centuries published by rulers of the same name. To a large extent, the designation "first" is conditional, since the later tsars hardly belonged to the same dynasty as the fifth-century ruler. Therefore, this notation will no longer be used in this paper.

3 D. V. Deopik, on the contrary, emphasizes the rice-growing character of Cham polities [Deopik, 2006, p. 91].

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The identification of Champa with Linyi is also questioned. In particular, Chinese sources refer to both kings and high-ranking officials of Linyi by the term Fan (for example, Fan Xion Fan Xiong, Fan Jian Fan Jian, Fan Huda Fan Huda, Fan Yang Ma Fan Yang Ma, Fan Long Ba Fan Long Pa). King Bhadravarman J. Maspero identified Fan Khudoy with the ruler of Linyi (Maspero, 1928, p. 63-65) .4 But, firstly, the term-varman is transmitted in Chinese by a stable combination of bamo (ba-mo); secondly, the term Fan (Fan) can be compared with the Mon-Khmer title poñn, known from ancient Cambodia (Vickery, 2005, p. 12, 16-23).. If we accept these arguments, it turns out that the Chinese sources tell about another / other kingdoms, and not about Bhadravarman at all.5 All that can be said is that the inscriptions from Michon A1 (C 72)6 and Tedin (C 41) found in Quang Nam and Phuien provinces, respectively, belong to this ruler. The inscriptions from Honkuk (C.105) and Tiemshon (C. 147) may refer to the reign of Bhadravarman in terms of their content and palaeographic considerations, but this is not necessarily the case.

BHADRAVARMAN INSCRIPTION OF MISHON SO'N) A1 V B. C 72

The inscription was found on the famous monument of Champa - the Michon temple complex, located in Quang Nam Province (see [Parmentier, 1908, 1909, 1918; Hardy et al. (ed.), 2009]). The inscription is engraved on a thick slab, rectangular at the base and rounded to the top, two meters high and about a meter wide. The text consists of two parts on different sides of the slab. The size of the signs is 3 cm in height.

A. 1. s(i)ddham namo umañca pra...

2. eva ca namo

3. ca pañcamam icchāmi anudhyātam

4. m(m)a vyapohan[tu] nayutantud(ā) c[āsm] mahārā (jena)

5. jñā [tvā] dattā yathā

4 R. C. Majumdar considered this identification possible, but not indisputable [Majumdar, 1927(1), p. 27]. J. Sedee, quoting R. Stein's opinion that Linyi and Bhadravarman's kingdom in Quang Nam province form different political entities, and relying on J. F. Vogel's dating of Bhadravarman's inscriptions to the middle, and not at the beginning of the fifth century, as A. Bergaigne and L. Finot thought, proposed identification with Fan Fo [Coedès, 1968, p. 48; Bergaigne, 1893, p. 203-205; Finot, 1902, p. 186; Stein, 1947, p. 71, 111; Vogel, 1918, p. 232]. Chan Ki Phuong shares the views of Maspero Phu'o'ng, 2004, p. 33; 2006, p. 6]. W. Southworth considers these identifications unsuccessful and suggests that Bhadravarman should be considered the ruler of the Thubon River Valley, where Mishon is located, who extended his influence far to the south to Phuien Province, where an inscription from Tedin was found (its name is also used in the South). for transliteration and translation, see below) [Southworth, 2004, p. 222].

5 The problem of Linyi localization deserves a separate study. R. Stein believed that this kingdom was located in the Qusu/Badon area and merged with Champa in the VI century (Stein, 1947, p. 317-318). W. Southworth believes that Linyi was located to the north of Hue, and in the valley The Thubon River (i.e., the same place as the Mishon temples) was home to the kingdom of Xitu, "the most famous of the ten independent neighboring kingdoms of Linya" (Southworth, 2001, p. 335, 291-293). In the V-VI centuries. In Chinese sources, Situ and Linyi are mixed, and the name Linyi already covers the Thubon River Valley, although it was the Situ polity that subdued the northern regions [Southworth, 2001, p. 318]. M. Vickery rightly notes that this version does not explain the term Fan in the names of Linyi rulers [Vickery, 2005, p. 318]. 20]. He suggests that since the sixth century, the Mon-Khmer rulers of Linyi (who spoke Katuic or Viet-Myong) moved north and mixed with the Vietic peoples of the Giao Chi (Vickery, 2005, p. 22). The Japanese researcher Hoshino identifies Linyi with the areas of Southern Laos and Northeastern Cambodia, namely the Watfu monument [Hoshino, 1999, p. 61]. D. O'Reilly, emphasizing the unclear nature of the relationship between Champa and Linyi, nevertheless identifies them and refers the reign of Bhadravarman to the IV century [O'Reilly, 2007, p. 127 - 144]. Without attempting to resolve this tangled argument, and without being a sinologist to offer my own interpretation of the Chinese evidence, I will confine myself to the following consideration: Bhadravarman's relationship to Linyi does not seem to be clear.

6 The letter C refers to the official list of Champa inscriptions. See [Coedès & Parmentier, 1923].

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6. sulahaparvvato kucakaparvvata

7. parimānābhyantara dattā pi...

8. svaminadevasya dey(a) it(i) tad eva yathabhilikhitam akurvva(to)

9. devasya dharmmaprasavo tatphalam (ā) kramya hara(ti)

10. vā tasyopari adharmma syāt rājā (nam)

11. rājamātram vā saha vijñāpayāmi mamānukampārtham yan mayā ma

B.1. yadi janmani janmani vo yat tan mama syāt

2. yac ca mama tad yasm(ā)kam syāt atha samyak paripālayatha tad eva

3. dharmma syāt iti vijñāyāmi ya iha prabhavati... [te]

4. karmma na syād .ora... vā rājakulakāryyam

5. (a)tha guro smākam rājān(o).. yat kiñcit... paditavyam iti

6. ...

7. vahularatnaca...

8. ... ay an na svarato dharmmabhava...

9. ...pālayati yo na tu pālati

10. ...tasya jānāti...

Source: [Finot, 1902, p. 188-189; Majumdar, 1927, p. 5-6; Golzio, 2004, p. 3].

Translation:

A. "[1] Success 7! Praise be to Maheshwara 8 and Uma..., [2] Brahma and Vishnu! Praise the Earth, Wind, Air / Ether, Water 9 [3] and beautiful 10 Fire/To the light! Having given thanks, I wish by all means [to carry out] my plan: let the evildoers / criminals[4]be eliminated by the blows of many righteous people (?)11! Thanks to our 12 contemplation at

7 The term siddha appears to be used here in a technical sense, as from or svasti. Its well-known meanings in Sanskrit are " complete, perfect, famous, divine, holy; class of demigods, inspired sage, prophet, magician, etc. "(see: [Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 1215; http://www.sanskrit-lexicon.uni-koeln.de/monier/]) - hardly applicable in this context. In any case, R. C. Majumdar's translation: "Perfection is Found" is full of fantasy and cannot be accepted [Majumdar, 1927(2), p. 6] (In the future, for simplification, when quoting this monograph, its serial number will not be indicated. - A. Z.).

8 Maheshvara ("Great Lord") is an epithet of Shiva [MNM, vol. II, 1982, p. 643].

9 Finot omitted it. See [Finot, 1902, p. 189].

10 The term pañcamam (accusative case) is translated by L. Fino and R. C. Majumdar as "fifth". Perhaps grammatically, this reading does not quite meet the requirements of prayer, especially since the term has the meaning "brilliant, shining; beautiful, beautiful "(glänzend, schön) [Böhtlingk, T. IV, 1883, S. 6] and the meaning is consistent with the image of fire/light (jyotis).

11 The grammatical structure and exact meaning of a number of words are not clear. Especially difficult is the turnover of nayutantud(a). Nayuta means "myriad, myriad, many", and tuda means "striking" (Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 523, 450). Majumdar states, " The passage is corrupted. The author clearly meant to say nayañca tanitum" " [Majumdar, 1927, p. 5, p. 2]. His translation of lines 3-5: "Having given them praise, I wish all outstanding people to know the following: With the intention of expiating all evil deeds and performing a good and valiant deed, realizing the destiny of human life, Bhadreshwara was given an eternal gift by our king Bhadravarman, dedicated to the foot/foot of Bhadreshwaraswami... " [Majumdar, 1927, p. 7]. This reconstruction is possible, although it is based largely on a hypothetical reading of the disputed place and the secondary meanings of a number of words, in particular the phrase translated as "all outstanding people" (in our translation, after Fino, "by all means").

12 The term asmākam can be the accusative case of the pronoun " our "and the genitive case of the pronoun"we". It is difficult to say which other term of the inscription it refers to. If we start from the accusative case, then we will assume the translation "our road of people", and then" contemplation at the feet of Lord Bhadreshvara " will refer to the great king, possibly indicating the way he acquired knowledge of the human fate.

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at the feet of the lord Bhadreshwara 13, the great king [5] Bhadravarman, who knew the way of men (literally "the way of men"), Bhadreshwara was given eternal dominion 14. So, [in the east 15] [6] - Mount Sulaha, in the south-the Great Mountain (Mahaparvvata), in the west - Mount Kuchaka, in the north-Ve [great river] 16. [7 ]Along the perimeter (literally inside the circle), the land is given with inhabitants (literally homeowners and common people)17. From the sixth share of [income from] the country's borders(?)18... [8] by the master of 19, God must be granted a grant (anugraha)20 in one tenth. If [he] does not do what is written above [9] for God, who [is] the support of his religious merit [21] acquired from birth, that fruit (i.e. merit) is for Bhadravarman. If someone attacks 22 and takes [10]

13 The term was interpreted by researchers as the name of the deity Bhadreshwaraswamin, which was considered a form of the name Bhadreshwar [Finot, 1902, p. 187, 189-190; Majumdar, 1927, p. 7; Vickery, 2005, p. 25; Schweyer, 2006, p. 139]. This is the name of Shiva statues and lingas (Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 746). The ambiguity of the root bhadra allows us to translate the word Bhadreshvara as" all-merciful lord " (le maître bienveillant) [Schweyer, 2006, p. 139]. It is interesting that Finot in the Tedin inscription (see below) conveys the term "Lord of Bhadresvara" (Seigneur Bhadresvara) [Finot, 1902, p. 185]. This reading is equally possible if we interpret the term svāmin in the sense of an address. A.-V. Schweyer believes that the inscription refers to the lingam of Shiva, based on the meaning of the word Bhadreshvara in Sanskrit [Schweyer, 2006, p. 139]. W. Southworth believes that Bhadreshvara means "luminous, brilliant" (radiant, brilliant), although it does not justify this (Southworth, 2004, p. 221).

14 Majumdar translates as "endowment" (see above). Finot gives the polysemantic word " un fonds perpetuel "[Finot, 1902, p. 189], which is translated into Russian by the words"capital, land, funds, values, enterprise, fund". In Sanskrit, the main meanings of the term "a wide belt around the waist, a kind of skirt; a ribbon, a bandage for tying a certain herb during a funeral rite; a hostage/pledge; capital, principal stock" (Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 567). In terms of context, reading Fino is the most successful.

15 Instead of reconstructing Fino yathā[j] c[ānam] Majumdar writes yathā " So, to the east...", based on the data of an inscription from Tiemshon (C 147, see below) [Majumdar, 1927, p. 5, n. 3].

16 The reconstruction of Majumdar "The Great River in the North "(Majumdar, 1927, p. 7) is based on the data of an inscription from Tiemshon (C 147, see below).

17 The term sakutumbijanā consists of three elements: sa "with, together with", "landlord, peasant" and jana "person". Confused by the long a (a) at the end. But if you connect this term with the next "earth"and consider them as one complex word, then the riddle seems to be solved - we have the ending of the plural root.

18 Assumed translation due to the fact that the term is in the nominative plural. You can literally read: "The borders of the country in the sixth part..."

19 Who is meant is not entirely clear from the text. This can be either the landowner whose land was allocated to Bhadreshwara, or King Bhadravarman himself - if he orders the transfer of income to the temple. The next sentence of the inscription seems to indicate that this is not a king after all, since Bhadravarman and someone who does not follow the instructions of the ruler are opposed (see below). Majumdar adds: "[The King's share] of income consisting of one-sixth of the output... " [Majumdar, 1927, p. 7]. Its translation generally repeats Fino (see below), but it should be immediately emphasized that the word "income" is not in the text.

20 Finot translates:" [Income] from the borders of this area, which has been reduced by the owner/seigneur from a sixth to a tenth, must be given to God " [Finot, 1902, p. 189]. The controversial word is the passive past participle of the verb anugrah "to follow in the capture/robbery, support, preserve, retain; greet, receive (guests); treat with courtesy, thank" [Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 32]. But it can also be interpreted as a formation from the noun anugraha "location, courtesy, mercy; grant of benefits" [ibid.].

D. V. Deopik, based on the translations of Fino and Majumdar, claims that taxes in the "early state period" amounted to 1/6 of the crop, of which the monarch gave 1/10 to the temple, while maintaining control over 1/15 of their part [Deopik, 2006, pp. 93-94]. However, due to the noted difficulties of translation, in particular the problematic unambiguous relationship between the concepts of "sixth part" and "tenth part" (see above), this interpretation looks controversial.

21 The term dharmmaprasavo is translated by both Finot and Majumdar as "the fruit of merit" (Finot, 1902, p. 189; Majumdar, 1927, p. 7).

22 The term akramya (gerund of the verb akram) is translated by Finot and Majumdar as" by force "(par le violence; by force) [Finot, 1902, p. 189; Majumdar, 1927, p. 7]. M. Monier-Williams gives the following meanings of the verb: "approach, approach, visit to set foot, to walk on something; to grasp firmly, to take possession; to attack, to invade; to darken (during an eclipse); to begin, to undertake; to ascend, to ascend" (Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 128).

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or destroy [the possession], let the guilt be on it, and the homeowners will be absolved from sin (literally have an absolved sin)24. To a king who knows the four Vedas, [11] and claims the title of king 25, along with the landlords / peasants 26, I say: "Out of compassion for me, let not what I have given be destroyed. Q [1] If you destroy [what I have given], then from birth to birth what will you do? you have done good, let it be mine, [2] and what I have done wrong, let it be yours! But if you truly / correctly defend [what I have given], then let your [3] be a virtue (dharma)! Then I say 27 (?) I:28 who is born/appears in this world... making offerings to god (or: paying taxes to god)... let not [4]their work be done (?)... or the work of the royal family / lineage (rājakulakāryyam) be done(?)29... [5] Now, O our preceptor, kings... What... let 30 (?)... [6] be passed with your feet... [7] thriving temples and a great gift / treasure (?)31... [8]... this is a joyless occurrence of (religious) merit 32 (??) ... [9] He who protects [what I have given] is his merit (dharma), and he who does not protect but destroys, let him therefore be destroyed. [10] ... Lord Bhadreshwara 33 knows him..."

A ROCK INSCRIPTION FROM HONKUK (HÒN C 105

The inscription is engraved on a cliff / boulder Honkuk on the bank of the river Thubon twenty-eight kilometers southeast of Turan, Quang Nam province. The size of the signs is 11 cm.

[1] namo bhagavato mahādevāya pranipatya

Source: [Finot, 1902, p. 187].

Translation: "Praise be to the glorious / magnificent Mahadeva 34 Bhadreshwaraswamin( or: Lord Bhadreshwara) with bowed head!" 35.

23 As already noted, the term means "landlord, peasant" (Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 288). Finot writes "the inhabitants" (les habitants), Majumdar - "the people" (Finot, 1902, p. 189; Majumdar, 1927, p. 7).

24 The term is formed by type (secondary compound names). For more information, see [Zaliznyak, 1996, pp. 923-924]. In Russian, there are similar constructions, for example, " long-armed "(having long arms),"thousand-headed". In Sanskrit, more complex formations are possible, in particular gataprāna "with the breath gone, dead", "whose sons are alive". The term from the Bhadravarman inscription refers to the latter and is consistent in gender, number and case (nominative plural of the masculine gender) with the term as a logical predicate.

25 The term rājamātra means "anyone who claims to be a king or has royal power" (Monier-Williams, 1964, p. 873). Since the inscription already names the king, the option "pretender to the royal title"remains. Finot translates "royal official" (fonctionnaire royal), Majumdar - "official" (officer) [Finot, 1902, p. 189; Majumdar, 1927, p. 7].

26 See note 17 above.

27 The verb in the first person singular vijñāyāmi is represented by a typo instead of the correct form vijñāpayāmi, which occurs in the 11th line of the A-side (see above).

28 Majumdar notes that the meaning of the destroyed lines 4-8 cannot be detected, and leaves them without translation [Majumdar, 1927, p. 8]. I followed Finot in giving a supposed translation of certain words from these lines, noting with a question mark all its hypothetical nature and pointing out discrepancies with the French epigraphist.

29 Finot omits the term vā ("or") from the translation and writes:" ... the service of the royal house must be performed " (le service de la maison royale doit être accompli) [Finot, 1902, p. 190].

30 The term standing in the local plural case is not clear to me. The word phala "fruit" is combined with the term adhya or adhya, which is unknown in Sanskrit.

31 Finot writes:"...having thriving temples, numerous pearls / treasures" (ayant des sanctuaries florissants, de nombreux joyaux) [Finot, 1902, p. 190]. However, the term is in the nominative plural.

32 In Finot," It is the production of merit that does not find pleasure in itself (?)... " (Cette production de mérite, qui ne se complainit pas en elle-mème) [Finot, 1902, p. 190].

33 Finot connects Bhadreshwara (in the form of Bhadreshwaraswamin) with the previous line: "(He who) supports (this gift), the merit in it is his; he who does not support, let Bhadreshwaraswamin destroy him, and he will perish. He knows... " [Finot, 1902, p. 190].

34 The traditional epithet of Shiva, literally meaning "great god" [MNM, vol. 2, 2000, p. 643].

35 A variant of Finot and Majumdar is quite possible: "Praise be to the supreme Mahadeva Bhadreshwaraswamin, head bowed!" (Hommage à l'auguste Mahadeva la tête inclinée!) [Finot, 1915, p. 187;

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ROCK INSCRIPTION FROM TIEMSHON (CHIÈM C 147

This inscription is engraved on a boulder found on the right bank of the Thubon River, three hundred and fifty meters downstream from the inscription from Hong Kook (C 105) (Quang Nam Province). The text is placed on a conditional rectangle measuring 2.95 × 1.20 m. It has four lines. The size of the signs is 12 cm.

[1] su... [2] haparvvata [3] mahā... kucakapa [4] rvvata...

Source: [Finot, 1918, p. 13; Majumdar 1927, p. 8].

Comparing this text with the Bhadravarman inscription from Mishon A1 (C 72), which contains a similar geographical description of the area (see above), the inscription from Tiemshon can be reconstructed as follows:

"To the east is Mount Su [la] ha, to the south is the Great Mountain, to the west is Mount Kuchaka 36, to the north is the Great River."

ROCK INSCRIPTION FROM TEDIN (CHO' DÌNH) C 41

The text is written on a boulder / rock at the foot of a hill north of Cape Varella in Phu Yên Province.

[1] namo devāya agnaye tvā

[2] yāvac candrādityau tāvat putrapautram

[3] kārmmasiddhir astu

[4] dāso baddhyate ||

Source: [Bergaigne, 1893, p. 199-206, N XXI; Finot, 1902, p. 185; Majumdar, 1927, p. 3-4].

Translation: "[1] Praise God! The favor of the feet/feet of Bhadreshwaraswamina (or: the Lords of Bhadreshwara) I make you agreeable to Agni 37. [2] As long as the Moon and Sun [exist], he (i.e. Agni) will free the offspring of the righteous great king 38 the magnificent Bhadravarman 39! [3] May the work be accomplished by the favor of Prithivi 40! [4] The auspicious slave 41 is tied [to a post]."

Addition. Other texts published by King Bhadravarman have not yet been found. Bhadravarman is mentioned in the Shambhuvarman inscription C 73A, lines 21-23:

...api ca bhadravarmmanā rājñā yeyam dattā sullahaparvvato

Majumdar, 1927, p. 9]. Finot writes about a grammatical error - the dative case mahādevāya between two genitals (un solécisme) [Finot, 1902, p. 187].

36 Finot in his 1918 article and Majumdar after him correct the Sanskrit term kucaka to kucoka, seeing in it the Sanskrit designation of the local name, possibly Ku chok "majestic / high mountain" (French researcher with reservations, Indian-confidently) [Finot, 1918, p. 14; Majumdar, 1927, p. 9]. A.-V. Schweyer agrees with this [Schweyer, 2006, p. 165]. Acceptance of this hypothesis is hindered both by the general linguistic principle of the variability of word meanings over time, and by the confusing ethnic and linguistic situation in what is now Central Vietnam in the first half of the 1st millennium AD. In any case, it is undesirable to correct toponyms in the translation of the text, so as not to distort the original itself.

37 Agni - "in Vedic and Hindu mythology, the god of fire, the hearth, and the sacrificial bonfire" [CMM, vol. 1, 2000, p. 35].

38 Majumdar writes "dharma-maharaja", while Finot omits the term dharmma [Majumdar, 1927, p. 4; Finot, 1902, p. 185].

39 Majumdar and Finot retain the termwithout translation [Majumdar, 1927, p. 4; Finot, 1902, p. 185].

40 Prithivi - "in ancient Indian mythology, the deified and personified earth" [CMM, vol. 2, 2000, p. 336]. Finot writes "Earth" (la Terre), and Majumdar - "earth" (earth) [Finot, 1902, p. 185; Majumdar, 1927, p. 4].

41 Majumdar suggests " Shiva, the slave, is tied (to a post)." On the contrary, A. Bergaigne, the publisher of the inscription, interprets the term as an adjective "causing favor, redemptive, intercessory" (propitiatoire) [Majumdar, 1927, p. 4; Bergaigne, 1893, p. 199].

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[23]... bhumau ye nivasanti tair bhāgo dātavyo rājadhirāje... [Finot, 1903, p. 209, 211]. Translation: "After all, it was King Bhadravarman who gave this land with its inhabitants (literally householders and common people) forever, with Mount Sulaha in the east, the Great Mountain in the south, and Mount Kuchaka in the west. ...Those who are landlords who live on [this] land, the tenth part shall be given to the king of kings (?)..."42.

Apparently, the last mention of Bhadravarman is found in the Prakashadharma-Vikrantavarman inscription from Mishon C 81, dating from the 630s of the shaka era (circa 710 CE).43. On the C-side in the 9th line, the phrase occurs: the 10th line contains the sentence: saha pradad iti [Finot, 1904, p. 929]. L. Finot left the inscription without translation, while R. C. Majumdar suggested the variant: "Sri Bhadravarma and Sri Rudravarma together again gave (granted)..." [Majumdar, 1927(2), p. 38]. First, the discrepancy between the singular number of the verb in the original (prādād) and the plural in the translation is controversial, and secondly, the transfer of the lacuna from the 9th to the 10th line. And if the second is possible in Sanskrit (the predicate tends to the end of the sentence), then the first is clearly arbitrary. In fact, we should limit ourselves to the translation: "Sri Bhadravarman and Sri Rudravarman... together [he] gave again. " 44
Bhadravarman's place among the lords of Champa is not entirely clear. The above-quoted inscription of Shambhuvarman does not define his relation to other kings (except for the chronological antecedence and recognition of his land grant). The Prakashadharma-Vikrantavarman inscription from Mishon (C. 96), which dates from 579 AD shaka and 658 AD and contains the genealogy of this king, begins the story of the kings with Gangaraja (Finot, 1904, p. 918, 922) .45 Perhaps Gangesha from the Shambhuvarman inscription C 73 (Finot, 1903, p. 210) is the same Gangaraja. The Prakashadharma-Vikrantavarman inscription C 81 contains the phrase " born in the lineage of Sri Gangeswara (Lord of the Ganges)" [Finot 1904, p. 929]. A.-W. Schweyer does not consider Bhadravarman to be of the Gangaraja lineage [Scweyer, 2006, p. 179]. M. Vickery is inclined to think that in inscriptions C 81 and 73 Bhadravarman is referred to as "the ancestor and founder of the Srishanabhadreshwar Temple in Mishon" (Vickery, 2005, p. 27). And if the position of A.-V. Schweyer looks rather cautious, then the opinion of M. Vickery is not confirmed in the sources cited above - this is only a hypothesis. To give it some weight would be an additional assumption (alas, ad hoc), that Bhadravarman and Gangeswara are one and the same monarch, only in one case he is called by his personal name, and in the other - by the throne name (for, as noted above, the adoption of the throne name Vikrantavarman was performed by King Prakashadharma). Therefore, it is better to confine ourselves to the statement that the ancestral connections of Bhadravarman are unknown to us. Moreover, it would be more careful not to talk about the existence of the concept of "Champa"

42 Fino left the inscription untranslated, pointing only to this passage concerning Bhadravarman. Majumdar translated the inscription, omitting the term rājadhirāje in the fragment we are interested in, which is probably explained by the local case in which it stands [Majumdar, 1927, p. 11-13]. M. Vickery for some reason considers the inscription untranslated [Vickery, 2005, p.26]. Due to the local case of the term rājadhirāje, a different translation is possible: "Those who are homeowners who live on [this] land should be given a tenth. Under the King of kings..."

43 Stele found near the main temple of complex B1. Dimensions: 0.85 m high, 0.50 m wide, 0.14 m thick. Prakashadharma (h) assumed the throne name Vikrantavarman, as reported by another inscription from Mishon 658 AD (p. 96, side B, line 13) [Finot, 1904, p. 921, 924]. The difficulty arises with the length of Prakashadharma's reign - more than fifty years pass between 658 and 710, and we must assume a very long life of this king, especially since the inscription C 74, published on behalf of Vikrantavarman [Huber, 1911 p. 265-267; Finot, 1904, p. 932-933], dated to 731 AD! If these texts belong to one king, then he ruled for at least 73 years. Majumdar attributed the C 74 inscription to Vikrantavarman II [Majumdar, 1927, p. 38-39]; (see also [O'Reilly, 2007, p. 138]).

44 The term iti has only a technical meaning and can be omitted (literally meaning "so").

45 Majumdar inserted Bhadravarman's name in his translation of this text, without any justification whatsoever [Majumdar, 1927, p. 23].

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under Bhadravarman, based on the fact that this term (in the form - "country of Champa"46, - "lord of Champa"47, campapura, - "city of Champa"48) does not occur in his texts.

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47 Stele from Hue / Dinh Thi C 111, Thira Thien Province, line 4 [Huber, 1911, p. 260]; Prakashadharma inscription from Thach - Bich C 135, Quang Nam Province, line 1 [Huber, 1911, p. 261]. Both inscriptions are undated.

48 Prakashadharma-Vikrantavarman inscription from Mishon (C 96) AD 658, lines A7, B13, B22 [Finot, 1904, p. 918, 921].

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