CHILDREN, STRAW DOGS AND SMALL FISH: THE PEOPLE AND THEIR PLACE IN THE IDEAL STATE OF LAO TZU1

The article discusses the nature of relations between the ruler and subjects in the political theory of Lao Tzu. The basis of these relations is seen in the absence of any political, economic or moral obligations of the people to the ruler or the state. This assumption provides a rational, rather than metaphysical, explanation of the doctrine of the ideal behavior of the ruler of Wu-wei, or "non-action."

Key words: Lao Tzu, Tao te Ching, political theory, people, ruler, ming ben, wu-wei, anarchism.

CHILDREN, STRAW DOGS AND SMALL FISH: THE IMAGE OF PEOPLE AND THE POLITICAL IDEAL OF THE LAOZI

The present paper discusses the nature of the relationships between the ruler and the people in the Laozi's political theory. It maintains that the basic foundation of these relationships is the people s lack of any political, economic or moral obligations toward the ruler or the state. This assumption has many far-reaching ramifications as to the functioning of the state, as well as to the nature and practical realization of ruler's power. In particular, it provides a rational rather than metaphysical explanation of the "non-action" wu-wei ideal of ruler's behavior.

Keywords: Laozi, Dao De Jing (Tao Те Ching), political theory, people, ruler, min-ben, wu-wei, anarchism.

Socio-political problems occupy one of the central places in the text of Lao Tzu (Tao te Ching ) .2 Methods of state administration and their metaphysical justification, questions of social structure and public morality, personal qualities and behavior of the ruler are the subject of discussion in at least half of his short chapters- novels. The context of most of the statements on political topics is the relationship between the ruler and the people - from the point of view of the political ideal of Lao Tzu, the two only, although far from equal, participants in the political process.

Lao Tzu's political philosophy explicitly addresses the subject of power3, i.e., the ruler, on whom the stability and well-being of the state depend entirely. The ideal of the ruler is embodied in the image of the "perfect wise" Sheng Ren , who rules

Andrey GOMULIN-Candidate of Historical Sciences, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Andrei GOMOULIN - PhD, Librarian, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

1 I am grateful to Y. A. Pines, A. E. Lukyanov, S. V. Dmitriev, and A. E. Terekhov for their reading and valuable comments on earlier versions of this article, most of which I have tried to take into account in the final version.

2 Reading Lao Tzu as a political treatise is not very common in Russian (both Soviet and Russian) Chinese studies. The general approach can be expressed in the words of L. S. Vasiliev, who, referring to the well-known work of H. G. Creel [Creel, 1970, p. 37-47], writes about" as if two layers " of the text, one of which is "ideas related to mysticism, metaphysics, natural philosophy and other elements of abstract reflection". and the other - "close to life and filled with useful practical advice in the style of traditional Chinese practicalism and in a very traditional didactic spirit", and makes the following conclusion that "the main value of the treatise is precisely in the depth of the ideas of its first layer "[Vasiliev, 1989, p. 158].

3 This is a common theme in research on the political philosophy of Lao Tzu. See: Ames, 1983(2), p. 38; Schwartz, 1985, p. 210; Graham, 1989, p. 234; Moeller, 2006, p. 57; Feldt, 2010, p.327.

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wei wu-wei 4, and it is the figure of the ruler and his world-building functions that most of the research on Lao Tzu5. The people - passive, faceless, having neither their own political will nor the ability to consciously influence the management process-are mentioned only insofar as they are the object of the ruler's actions.

At the same time, the people still occupy a significant place in the text. The Min character for " people "and the expression" perfect wisdom " appear in the text equally frequently - 33 and 32 times, respectively; and in total, the people are the subject of discussion in about a third of the zhangs of the modern version of Lao Tzu. In addition to the min character, the text uses the expressions bai xing (literally "one hundred families") 4 times, zhong ren ("people of the crowd") 5 times, su ren ("common people") 2 times, and the ren character "people" meaning "people"at least 11 times6. This apparent disproportion between the place of the people in the political structure of Lao Tzu's ideal state and the actual mention of the people in the text may in itself be sufficient to arouse the interest of the researcher.

In this article, I will try to move away from the traditional approach to studying the political views of Lao Tzu and instead of the question of what a ruler should be and how he should rule the state, I will focus on something else: what is the people as part of the political process? In other words, I will try to determine what the ideal relationship between the ruler and the people looks like - first, from the point of view of the people, and in light of this, second, from the point of view of prospects for the ruler. Questions concerning metaphysics and the transcendental justification of management principles are not considered in the article; in this paper, I will be interested in what Lao Tzu's theoretical calculations mean in a practical sense and how the picture drawn by him should look in practice.

Although the people in the text appear almost exclusively as the object of the ruler's actions, none of the passages says a word about the duties of the people either in relation to the ruler personally or in relation to the state in general. Nowhere in the text does it say that the people should feed the ruler or serve him. The people should not even love or fear the ruler - they should not notice him at all.7 It is precisely this lack of people's responsibilities to the ruler - political, economic, or moral - that distinguishes Lao Tzu's approach from all other texts of the Zhanguo period (453-221 BC), 8 which offer a positive political perspective.

4 The meaning of this expression, its theoretical justification, practical significance and philosophical context remain one of the most popular topics in research on the political philosophy of Lao Tzu. See: [Slingerland, 2003, p. 77-117; Feldt, 2010, p. 331-334; Liu Tse-hua, 2014, p. 322-327].

5 To be fair, this situation is typical not only for Lao Tzu, but also for ancient Chinese political philosophy as a whole, which from the point of view of the general approach was focused on the ruler.

6 The exact number of references to hieroglyphs depends on the specific version of the text.

7 This statement follows directly from Lao Tzu17 and indirectly from several other Zhangs; see below.

8 A full-fledged study of the textual history of Lao Tzu, including its dating, goes far beyond the scope of this article. It is sufficient to note, first, that at the turn of the fourth and third centuries BC, a significant part of the Lao Tzu (about two-fifths of the modern text) was already composed in relatively large blocks, as evidenced by the Guodian lists, and secondly, that at the turn of the third and second centuries BC. Lao Tzu already existed in almost its modern form: the main difference between the Mawangdu versions of the text, dating from the beginning of the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), and the modern versions is the order of parts traditionally designated as Tao Ching (Lao Tzu 1-37) and Te Ching (Lao Tzu 38-81), and the order of zhangs within each part. Lexical, grammatical, and stylistic differences can be noted, while textual differences that fundamentally modify meaning are relatively rare. On the significance of early handwritten versions of Lao Tzu for studying its textual history, see [Liu, 2003; Shaughnessy, 2005].

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However, this particular feature of the political philosophy of the text has been overlooked in most studies.

What is the basis of the relationship between the ruler and the people? To put this question in the context of Lao Tzu's thought, let us compare the two quotations. The contrast between them is enhanced by the terminological similarity: in both cases, the text uses the expression bai xing (literally - "one hundred families"; in my translation- "people").10. Let's start with Lao Tzu.:

The perfect sage has no permanent heart - he makes the heart of the people his heart. With the good I am kind, I am unkind I am also kind-te good. I am sincere with the trustworthy, and I am also sincere with the untrustworthy - de sincerely. Abiding in the Heavenly Realm, the all-wise one, taking it (into himself), mixes his heart with the Heavenly One. [The people direct their hearing and sight to him], but the all-wise one treats everyone as if they were children. [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 58-63] 11.

This paragraph is an example of the attitude towards the people, which in the Chinese intellectual tradition and modern research is called min ben, " the people-the basis "(lit.: "the people-the root"). According to this concept, which was a commonplace of Zhanguo's political philosophy, the people are the main element in the state and the subject of the ruler's concerns, and the level of his well-being and satisfaction is an indicator of the quality and often legitimacy of the latter's rule (for the concept of min Ben, see [Pines, 2009, p. 198-214]). The practical conclusions drawn on the basis of this theoretical concept by various thinkers could, however, differ quite significantly from each other, depending on whether the emphasis was placed on what the people owe to the ruler (state) or on what the ruler (state) owes to the people.

Most of Lao Tzu's statements are easily interpreted within the framework of the Ming ben concept, 12 and the emphasis is placed on the ruler's attitude to the people; for example, in this passage, the people and caring for them are presented as an end in themselves (see also [Perkins, 2014, p. 100]). The ruler merges with the Celestial Empire and "makes his heart of hearts

9 That is, the list excludes, for example, the most radical views of Chuang Tzu and Yang Zhu . For their views, see, for example: [Liu Tse-hua, 2014, pp. 334-361].

10 The same term is used in both cases in the Mawangdu copies and in all major modern versions of the text [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 58-59, 242-243].

11 The modern version of the text of Wang Bi does not contain the passage "the people direct their hearing and sight to it", but Wang Bi's commentary on it has been preserved, from which it can be concluded that the scribe was mistaken. This passage is also found in all major versions of Lao Tzu, including the Mawangdu manuscripts. An alternative translation of this sentence is "people have something to occupy their hearing and vision" [Lau, 2001, p. XXIX and 71].

I translate the Chinese term xin here literally ("heart") to preserve the style and spirit of the text. Chinese thinkers considered the heart to be the source and focus of all human mental activity, both emotional and intellectual.

A number of versions of the text, including the Dunhuang manuscript, as well as the Jing-lun stele , the so-called ancient text of gu ben Fu Yi (554-639 AD) and the texts of Yan Zun (presumably 1st century BC), Sima Guang (1019-1086 AD) and some others use it instead of the de character. the homonym de is "achieve", so that the second and third sentences of the translation should end with the conclusions "(so) good is achieved" and "(so) trust is achieved " [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 59-60; see translations of this passage: Perkins, 2014, p. 100]. Hieroglyphs and are used interchangeably in ancient texts (Gao Heng, 1997, p. 408-409).

12 Cf. the almost literal expression of the concept of ming ben in Lao Tzu 39: "therefore, the noble ones consider the low-born to be their basis." In the Mawangdu copies, this statement is even more emphasized by the word "necessarily" bi , which the text puts immediately after the word "therefore" gu : "therefore, the noble ones necessarily consider the low-born to be their basis" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu Jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 14]. The offer is not included in the Godyan lists.

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people " - in other words, living the lives of its subjects, their thoughts, feelings, hopes and aspirations-treating all its subjects equally graciously, good and bad, trustworthy or not.13
The last sentence of the passage quoted compares the people to the" children " of Haizi . There are several possible interpretations of the sentence : "the perfect wise one treats everyone as if they were children," "the perfect wise one treats everyone as if they were his children," or "the perfect wise one brings everyone to the state of children." Each of the variants gives the utterance a new connotation, common between them is the idea that the ideal state of the people is the state of children, and the scheme of ideal relations between the ruler and the people is " adult (parent)/ a child." The metaphor "child" is quite trivial in the context of Lao Tzu's philosophy and means a kind of spontaneous-natural state, in order to stay in which you do not need to strain yourself 14. But what, apart from paternalism (the text nowhere says that the ruler should become a father - or mother, given the peculiarities of Lao Tzu's philosophical approach to the people), can this metaphor mean in a political sense?

Let's leave this question for now and move on to the second quote. The first two sentences of Lao Tzu 5 are as follows::

Heaven and earth are not humane; to them myriads of things are like straw dogs. The wise man is not humane; to him the people are like straw dogs.

[Bo-yilu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 243] 16

When analyzing this passage, both traditional commentators and modern researchers and translators focus on the expression bu ren " not humane(s)" and its meaning in this context. Interpretations either range from "impartiality" and "lack of interest" to "cruelty", or present these statements as an attack on the moral norms traditionally associated with Confucianism, in particular, on one of the central qualities in the Confucian system of values of Ren , i.e. neither heaven and earth, nor the ruler does not possess and possess it. they shouldn't 17. In the first case, the interpretations indicate that Heaven and the all - wise have no moral obligations towards the "myriad things" of Wan Wu and the "people", respectively, 18 and in the second case, the Confucianists misunderstand the principles of the functioning of the cosmos and the ruler.19
13 Cf. also Lao-tzu 63: "Return mercy for an offense" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 131]. The offer is not included in the Godyan lists.

14 See Lao Tzu 10, 20, 28, 55, and a comparison of human states at birth and death in Lao Tzu 76.

15 The word" father "of fu appears only once in the text, in the sentence" I will make (this) the father of (my) teaching" (Lao Tzu 42); the Mawangdu versions write xue instead of chiao . [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiaozhu, 1998, p. 34]. It is not included in the Godyan lists. The metaphor" mother " of lsu occurs seven times, each time referring to some metaphysical principle (most often, obviously, Tao) and never implying a ruler; see Lao Tzu 1, 20, 25, 52 (three times) and 59.

16 The Mawangdu versions of the text are slightly damaged, but the surviving fragments are completely consistent with the modern version. This passage is not included in the Guodian lists, although the continuation of Zhang 5 is found in plank A: 22.

17 The translation of the term Ren as "humane" is rather arbitrary, but the format of this article does not allow us to discuss the meaning and significance of this concept.

18 Cf., however, Lao tzu 79: "Heaven has no kinship ties, it is always with good people "(Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 217). This sentence ends the text of the Mawangdu copies of Lao Tzu.

19 The attitude of Lao Tzu to the cultural and moral norms associated with the Confucian (zhu ) tradition is a topic of separate research, especially in the light of Guodian findings; see, for example, Lao Tzu 19 (cited below). Without going into details, we can say that the controversy with Confucianism is expressed in the Guodian lists much less than in the modern (and Mawangdu) versions.

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Somewhat overshadowed is the metaphor "straw dogs" by chu go 20, one of the most vivid and memorable images in the entire text. According to traditional commentaries, "straw dogs" are straw stuffed dogs used during sacrifices (perhaps directly as sacrifices or symbolic substitutes for real sacrificial dogs). While they disagree on the specifics of the ritual for which these stuffed animals are used, commentators agree on the interpretation of the metaphor "straw dogs": the latter, from their point of view, symbolize an object that has meaning and significance only temporarily and only in a certain context, outside of which it is devoid of any value and therefore "throws out" qi (Lin). Xi-yi, 1193-1271) or" trampled " by chien (Su Zhe, 1039-1112) [Lao-tzu zhu-shi ji ping-jie, 2003, p. 80; Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 244] 21.

If this is what the text meant, then the ease with which commentators accept the essentially unprecedented cynicism of this statement is surprising - at the very least, it is worth noting their insensitivity to the possible connotations of their interpretations.22 The likening of a people to a thing that can be discarded or trampled on after being used is something that no ancient Chinese thinker seems to have discussed before, 23 although the idea that the people should be used in one way or another (or for one purpose or another) is a common place in discussions about the functions of the latter in the structure of the state and about his relationship with the ruler in the vast majority of texts. In addition, such cynicism does not fit well with the concept of" the people are the foundation", and with most of Lao Tzu's other statements about the people and their relationship with the ruler - those, for example, where the text speaks of love for the people of ai min (Lao Tzu 10) and concerns about the benefits of the Min people li (Lao tzu 19) 24.

Two quotations, Lao Tzu 49 and 5, clearly contradict each other not only literally, but also in spirit25, and yet between the metaphors "children" and" straw dogs " can be found

20 Wang Bi and He-shang-gong read this phrase as "straw and dogs", although the meaning of their commentary is very close to those who read it as "straw dogs".

21 See also Chuang tzu, ch. "Tian yun" (Chuang tzu ji-shi, 1997, pp. 511-512) and Huainan tzu with commentary by Gao Yu (c. 160-220 A.D.), ch. "Chi su", "Sho shan" and "Sho lin" (Huainan-tzu chi-shi, 2006, pp. 792, 1136, 1169-1170, 1185], which explain the origin and meaning of the metaphor in the same way and may be a source for later interpretations.

22 Cf. the phrase with which H.-G. Moeller begins his analysis of Lao Tzu's political philosophy: "Lao Tzu is definitely not a humanistic text, nor is Taoist philosophy in general" (Moeller, 2006, p. 55).

23 Li Yang-zheng interprets this passage as a criticism of the ruler and the "aristocratic regime" (Li Yang-zheng, 2007, p. I). Unfortunately, by including it in the relevant section of his article, Lee did not provide any analysis of this passage. This reading, of course, contradicts traditional commentaries, but it is interesting because the author, one of the few, probably felt the cynicism of the statement.

24 Of course, this is not the only example of contradictions in the text at the literal level. As a rule, two strategies are used to explain these contradictions. The first explains them from the point of view of the history of the formation of the text as a collection ("anthology", as the Hong Kong researcher and author of one of the classic translations of the text into English Dim-chek Lau called it about half a century ago) of aphorisms and was obviously compiled for more than a dozen (if not a hundred) years. In this case, the search for consistency of utterances is clearly meaningless, since, being an "anthology of aphorisms", the text can allow any level of inconsistency (from the point of view of D. Lau, even the consistency of individual zhangs is problematic) and at best expresses only a certain intellectual trend [Lau, 2001, p. XIV, 133-141]. The second strategy is based on the assumption that the text is consistent at the level of thought, and literal contradictions are either apparent or insignificant and can mostly be removed with some "correct" reading. Two arguments are made in support of the second strategy - which is actually the construction of meaning. First, the tradition sees Lao Tzu's text as solid and consistent; this argument is beautifully formulated by Brian van Norden (1999). Secondly, in addition to" collecting " aphorisms, the text underwent repeated editing, during which the philosophy of the text became more and more consistent. In this paper, I do not discuss the general problem of internal consistency of Lao Tzu's philosophy-the answer to this question is in the eyes of the beholder, and the choice of strategy depends on the specific goals and objectives of each study.

25 Even more literally, Lao tzu 5 contradicts the statement from Lao Tzu 27: "Therefore the all-wise one constantly saves people - and therefore there are no abandoned people; he constantly saves things - and therefore there are no abandoned things" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 365].

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a general detail. This is the practical value of both, which is approximately equal and very low: there is and cannot be any demand from either of them; there is literally nothing to take from them. In the context of discussing the political structure of the State, such an interpretation of these two metaphors used to describe the people has far-reaching consequences.

So, in an ideal Lao Tzu state, the people are the object of the ruler's concern (and even, as will be shown later, caring for the people is the ruler's duty and direct interest), but the ruler should not expect to receive anything in return from the people-at least, something positive. The people should not and will not do anything for the ruler, but for some reason the ruler should listen to the moods of his subjects. In the next part of the article, this thesis will be presented in detail and will address the issues of what an ideal people looks like from the point of view of Lao Tzu, on what principles the relationship between the people and the ruler is based, and finally, given the lack of positive practical benefits, why should the ruler take care of the people?

Let's start with the ideal state of society - the one that Lao Tzu believes we should strive for. It is, at least in the interpretation of most traditional commentators and modern researchers of the text, summarized in Lao Tzu 80 (see, for example: [Liu Tse-hua, 2014, p. 333]):

Let the principality be small and the people small. Let all kinds of weapons be, but will not be used. Let the people take death seriously and do not go far - even if there are boats and wagons, even if there is no need to ride on them, even if there is an army, even if there is no need to build it. Let people weave knots and use them (for writing). Make their food sweet, their clothing beautiful, their dwelling safe, and their customs joyful. Let the neighboring principalities look at each other and the roosters will sing and the dogs will bark, and people will not go to each other until they are old and die.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 150-154] 27.

Is this passage a description of a primitivist utopia, a recommendation to the ruler of a small principality ("If the principality is small and the people are small..."), or an instruction for governing the entire Celestial Empire by dividing it into small lots ("Reduce the appanages and reduce their population...") does not matter in the context of my thesis (see, for example, [Schwartz, 1985, p. 212-214; Bender, 1990, p. 136-137]). Much more interesting is the description of the actual people.

From the point of view of the text, the people need delicious food, good clothes, safe housing and "joyful customs". The first three items describe the basic physical needs of a person, the last one relates to the non-material sphere. Moreover, since the" customs " of the su are marked separately, the text may suggest that simply meeting the needs of housing, food, and clothing is not enough for a person's psychological comfort. Although this passage does not specify what it means by "joyful customs" or how they should be formed, other zhangs, as we will see later, allow us to make certain assumptions in this regard.

The peculiarity of this description of an ideal state is that it does not contain the figure of a ruler. In principle, this allows us to ask a rather radical question: is there really a need for a ruler in an ideal state? The answer to this one is

26 From the point of view of Liu Tse-hua, caring for the people is what distinguishes a perfectly wise ruler [Liu Tse-hua, 2014, pp. 324-325].

27 The Guodian lists do not contain this passage, Mawangdu copies, the Dunhuang manuscript, and most modern versions of the text are in the sentence ; instead of the character A, they use [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 153].

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the question is in the eyes of the beholder 28; however, since, as noted in the introduction, the entire text is explicitly addressed to the ruler, the negative answer will need to be explained in the context of the rest of Lao Tzu's political statements. From my point of view, the absence of the ruler in the description of the ideal state in Lao Tzu 80 is not accidental: describing the interaction of the ruler with the people, the text prefers indirect methods of influence (the elimination of objects of lust instead of orders, laws, prohibitions and other violent ways of exercising power, see below). Everything should happen naturally, "by itself "(literally - tzu ran), when the ruler himself-the initiator, helmsman or controller-is not visible.

On the other hand, the sentence , when read in the imperative mood ("Make their food sweet, their clothing beautiful, their dwelling safe, and their customs joyful"), places direct responsibility for the state of the people and the provision of their needs on the ruler, and this is much more in line with other statements of Lao Tzu (see above). below).

In addition, contrary to the fairly common interpretation of this Zhang, the text not only does not contain a requirement to leave the people to their own devices, but, on the contrary, suggests introducing a number of significant restrictions, the first of which is a ban on the use of "all kinds of tools" . It is not clear what kind of tools we are talking about here, but the literal reading of this sentence implies a restriction on all types of activities, including productive ones.29 However absurd the latter interpretation may seem, in the context of Lao Tzu's philosophy, which is skeptical, if not negative, about the accumulation of knowledge and the development of technology, it certainly does not make sense.30
Another restriction that is more striking is the restriction of population movement and communication in general [Liu Tse-hua, 2014, p. 333]. Negative attitudes towards moving from place to place are expressed three times in the passage quoted: "they don't go far" , "there is no need to travel" (in "boats and carts" ), and "they won't go to each other" . The restriction of communication also includes the recommendation to return to the use of "nodules" for writing, 31 that is, to a more primitive system of transmitting information than writing in the proper sense of the word, which restricts the possibility of communication at a distance. In contrast to the ban on the use of weapons, the rationality of restricting movement/communication is more clear: the more mobile the population and the better informal communication is established, the more difficult it is to control it (the population) from above. In an ideal situation, which is worth striving for, these prohibitions should come "from within": people do not use the achievements of technology, because they are simple and content with simple things that do not need "tools" (whatever this means), and do not go anywhere, because the thought itself is somewhere else. it doesn't occur to him to go.

28 The discussion about whether a ruler is needed in an ideal Lao-tzu state has its roots in the" neo-Taoism " of the third century AD (Hsiao, 1979, p. 607-630).

29 Yu Yue believes that we are talking about weapons (which in principle corresponds to the spirit of Lao Tzu); Zhang Sun-zhu and Yan Ling-feng believe that we are talking about weapons in general [Lao-tzu zhu-shi ji ping-jie, 2003, p. 359]. Western researchers are also inclined to believe that we are talking about technological development in general [Schwartz, 1985, p. 212-213; Bai, 2009, p. 490-491]. Cf. Lao Tzu 36: "Sharp tools of the state / Tools (for achieving) state benefits should not be shown to people" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 419]; in the Guodian lists it is absent. The interpretation of "sharp tools of the state" suggests that it is a weapon. See Lao Tzu 57, cit. below.

30 Cf. Lao tzu 48: "The one who learns accumulates daily; the one who follows the Tao reduces daily "[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 53]. The passage is contained in Lao Tzu's Godian list in:3. See also the analysis below.

31 Strictly speaking, the text does not specify why to" tie "and" use " knots; this reading is based on the traditional understanding of this sentence (see, for example: [Lao-tzu zhu-shi ji ping-jie, 2003, p. 358 and 360; Bai, 2009, p. 490 Bender, 1990, p. 136; Hsiao, I979, p. 299; Slingerland, 2003, p. 100; see also Yang Hing-shun's translation, Tao te ching, 1972, p. 138]).

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This passage contains one positive statement about the psychological state of the people: they should value life, or rather, "take death seriously" Zhong si . This idea is also contained in other zhangs of the last part of the book (Lao Tzu 72, 74, 75). In Lao Tzu 80, it is probably linked to the recommendation to refrain from military action 32; in others, it has a broader meaning. Actually, "take death seriously" is the only positive requirement for people trapped in the territory of a small principality.

So, Lao Tzu says: an ideal people is one in which each individual is closed to himself and his immediate environment and is primarily concerned with what is directly related to providing for the needs of life, and the responsibility for meeting them lies with the ruler. The text does not say a word about the attitude of the people towards the ruler.

However, the actual socio-political situation from the point of view of Lao Tzu is far from ideal. Almost all statements on the political theme take the form of explicit or implicit criticism of the existing order, the state of society and its individual members, as well as the behavior of the ruler, and indicate more or less specific ways to correct the situation (for Lao Tzu's criticism of the existing state of affairs, see [Slingerland, 2003, p. 78-84]; cf. also theoretical arguments about the fundamental possibility of refusing to follow the Tao: [Perkins, 2014, p. 109-111]). One of the classic (and most cited) examples is Lao Tzu.:

Cut off wisdom, discard knowledge - and the benefits of the people will increase a hundredfold. Put an end to" humanity "and" justice " and the people will return to filial piety and parental love. Put a stop to skill, discard (the desire for) profit - and there will be no robbers or robbers. It is not enough to see only beautiful words in these three statements. And so it is necessary to point out what you might feel you belong to: look simple, embrace non-division, reduce personal interests and reduce desires, stop teaching-and worries will disappear.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 311-315]

Although in the modern version of the text this passage looks like one of the most acute attacks on traditional ("Confucian") values, the parallel text of the Guodian lists (L: 1-2) looks somewhat different:

Suppress knowledge, discard disputes - and the benefits of the people will increase a hundredfold. Put a stop to skill, discard (the desire for) profit - and there will be no robbers or robbers. Stop falsehood, discard falsehood , and the people will return to filial piety and parental love. It is not enough to force these three utterances - perhaps it is better to point them out to what they might feel they belong: look simple, embrace non-separateness, reduce personal interests, and reduce desires.

[Godian Chu mu zhu-jian, 1998, p. 3 (photocopy of slats), 111 (transcription) and 113 (philological commentary)]

32 I read the phrase as a single sentence, in which the continuation after the colon develops the idea expressed at the beginning about "taking death seriously" and restricting movement: the text recommends making the people value their lives () and not forcing them to fight (), as well as limiting their mobility () by refusing to use vehicles (). In addition, Lao Tzu's negative attitude towards war is openly expressed in several other zhangs (see, for example, Lao Tzu 30, 31, 46).

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In addition to criticizing the current state of affairs, we are interested in this passage, firstly, in how Lao Tzu sees the final result of the policy being implemented, and, secondly, in the form in which the text makes recommendations to the ruler.

Let's start with the first one. The priority value is declared to be the benefit of the people - perhaps we are talking about their well-being, although judging by what should be abandoned (Sheng 's"wisdom" and zhi 's "knowledge" or bian 's "knowledge" and "arguments"), the concept of "benefit" can be interpreted more broadly. Further, the text notes the problem of crime and the need to solve it, and finally, by recognizing family values - Xiao tsu 's "filial piety and parental love" - Lao Tzu de facto recognizes the value of the family itself (although the text does not explain in what form).33. In principle, the value of the family in the context of ancient Chinese philosophy is a rather trivial fact in itself; its importance in Lao Tzu follows from the relative rarity of concrete positive statements about the structure of society (other than its homogeneity, see below).: speaking about society, the text basically describes what it should not be.

As for the recommendations to the ruler, they just list what the ruler should refuse - in other words, order and well-being in the country are ensured not by what the ruler does, but by what he does not do and what he should "discard" (see also: [Schwartz, 1985, p. 212]). Perhaps it is implied that the ruler's behavior should be perceived by the people as an example to follow; at least the theme of the ruler as a model for the Middle Kingdom is repeatedly raised in the text (see, for example, the expressions "to be a model for the Middle Kingdom" in the modern version of the text, Lao Tzu 22 and 28 [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao- zhu, 1998, p. 340, 369] 34). However, the juxtaposition of the" benefit of the people "and the" (desire for) benefit " (indicated in the text by the same li character) of the ruler also gives the passage an additional connotation. The ruler should not seek profit, because his personal gain is a direct detriment to the benefit of the people. The ruler should moderate his appetites ("reduce personal interests and reduce desires"; we will see to what extent later). In other words, the ruler is strongly advised to demand less from the people and behave more modestly himself - and the text is again silent about the duties of the people themselves.

In addition to Zhang, Lao Tzu describes in sufficient detail how he sees the ideal people and how it is recommended to achieve this state. Let's start with one general but fundamental statement. Lao Tzu 32:

The people equalize themselves, although no one orders them to.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 398] 35.

This statement implies several things. First, the value of the uniformity of the Jun people is postulated. Everyone in the state should be equal - as we will see below, they are equal both economically and socially, no one in the people is equal.

33 Cf. Lao tzu 18: "When the six relationships are not harmonious, filial piety and parental love appear" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 310-311]. Lao Tzu's Godian list C: 3 contains this passage, adding the particle yang to it, which theoretically can radically change the meaning of the sentence: "When the six relationships are not harmonious, where will filial piety and parental love come from?" [Godian Chumu zhu-jian, 1998, p. 9 (photocopy of slats), 121 (transcription) and 122 (philological commentary)]. In any case, this passage also explicitly acknowledges the value of family, criticizing the lack of harmony in the six kinds of relationships between Liu Qin 's relatives.

34 In Mawangdu copies, instead of the shi "model" character, mu "shepherd" and si "stream" are used, respectively [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 340, 369], fundamentally changing the meaning and tonality of the utterance. These passages are missing from the Godian lists.

35 The Mawangdu copies in this place are badly damaged; the phrase is found in the Guodian Lao-tzu A: 20.

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it should be distinguished by neither wealth nor status. Secondly, the text says that the people can achieve this state independently by Tzu , that is, it assumes that the people have certain abilities for self-organization. Third, the text emphasizes that it is not necessary to have a direct impact on the people or even initiate desirable changes in the people by Lin 's "orders".

All three propositions appear in a more detailed form in other parts of the text, such as in Lao Tzu.:

The more prohibitions there are in the Middle Kingdom, the poorer the people are; the more sharp tools people have, the more troubles there are in the country; if people are cunning and skillful, strange things appear; when laws and decrees appear everywhere, thieves and bandits multiply.

Therefore the all-wise one says: "I do not act, and the people themselves change; I love peace, and the people themselves improve; I do not undertake (state) affairs, and the people themselves grow rich; I have no desires, and the people themselves are forgiven."

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 104-107].

The first part of the statement describes the problems and their causes: the poverty of the people, social and / or political instability, Qi wu 's "strange things" and crime. The complete absence of metaphysics is interesting: the problems and their causes are absolutely concrete, worldly, and logically justified (although, of course, each thesis in itself can raise questions in essence, especially for the modern reader): bans and restrictions prevent people from living in affluence, weapons in the hands of the population increases the risk of destabilization of society, cunning and skill lead to perversions, and the number of laws increases the number of criminals (the more laws, the more actions qualify as crimes and, accordingly, the more people, at least potentially, fall into the category criminals). Criticism of the current state of affairs echoes recommendations to limit the use of "various tools" {Lao Tzu 80, cit. above). If Lao Tzu 80 refers to weapons, then the connection with the statement "the more sharp tools people have, the more trouble there is in the country" is obvious; if it refers to tools in general, then Lao Tzu 80 may be connected with the criticism of "skill" Qiao of the people, allowing him to make "strange things".

In addition to criticism, the text also offers a solution, again drawing as a result the ideal state of society. Non-action, peace, lack of state activity and desires of the ruler turn into self-transformation, self-correction, self-enrichment and self-forgiveness of the people. In fact, as in Lao Tzu 32, we are talking about the ability of society to organize itself, only here the topic of indirect influence on the part of the ruler is articulated more specifically and expanded.

Of particular interest is the sentence "I do not undertake (state) affairs, and the people themselves get rich." The logic of the statement is clear: state affairs presuppose tax collections and labor obligations of the population; the less state affairs, the more time the people have for productive (or any other) activities for themselves and the more product they have left; the same idea is expressed in Lao Tzu.:

Whose government is calm, his people are simple-minded; whose government is active, his people are destitute.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 108].

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And even more explicitly, in the form of open criticism in Lao Tzu.:

The people are starving because their ruler takes large food taxes - that's why they are starving.

A nation is difficult to govern because its ruler is active , which is why it is difficult to govern.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 92].

Thus, according to the text, the ruler should not want to receive any material values from the people, but, on the contrary, he should abandon costly state measures and leave, so to speak, material values to the producer.36
We have seen above (Lao Tzu 19) that one of the most important aspects of building a happy society is to deprive people of access to knowledge. Lao Tzu 19 does not specify what kind of knowledge we are talking about - knowledge in some specific areas (for example, the theory of government), about some special type of knowledge (for example, knowledge that generates desires 37) or about knowledge in general (as a ban on the use of "various tools" from the Internet). Lao Tzu 80). Lao Tzu 65 links the presence of/ lack of knowledge with management practices:

Those who knew how to follow the Tao in ancient times did not enlighten the people, but made them stupid. People are difficult to manage because they have a lot of knowledge. Therefore, to rule a country based on knowledge is to rob it, and to rule a country without knowledge is to make it happy.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 140-141] 38.

The logic of the main idea is quite transparent: the less people know and understand, the easier it is to manage them, since knowledge complicates the mechanism of implementing power. Relying on the knowledge of the people in government means creating a layer of professional managers between the ruler and the bulk of the state's population, and the creation of such a layer is highly undesirable from the point of view of the political ideal of Lao Tzu.

In the same sense, another classic passage explains the reasons and suggests a specific mechanism for implementing the policy of "stupefying" the people, Lao Tzu 3:

If you do not exalt the worthy, the people will not compete; if you do not value rare items, there will be no thieves among the people; if you do not show exciting desires, the hearts of the people will not be disturbed. So the rule of the all-wise one is this: he makes their hearts empty and their bellies full, he weakens their will and strengthens their bones.

36 See also Lao tzu 53; in addition, the topic of economy itself is raised in the text; for example, in Lao Tzu 59: "In managing people and serving Heaven, nothing compares to thrift" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 114]. Based on the analysis of Lao Tzu 75 (and, in particular, translating the term shang in the plural - "those who are in power") Alex Feldt makes the surprising conclusion that the text speaks of a "bureaucratic centralized state governed by a single ruler" [Feldt, 2010, p. 335].

37 According to D. Lau, for example, the main danger that knowledge is fraught with is precisely that it generates desires [Lau, 2001, p. XXIX].

38 This passage is not included in the Godian lists.

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he constantly makes it so that the people have neither knowledge nor desires, and those who have knowledge would not dare to act. If you do not do something, nothing will be left undone.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 235-237] 39.

If in Lao Tzu 57 the indirect influence of the ruler on the people consisted mainly in being at rest and not doing anything, then Lao Tzu 3 offers a different tactic, the goal of which is to eliminate everything that can lead the people out of the state described in Zhang 57 and 80: simplicity, calmness and concentration on the immediate tasks of life. needs.

In addition, Lao Tzu 3 presents a new idea: society should be homogeneous not only economically and psychologically, but also socially. Let's take a closer look at this idea.

One of the fundamental concepts of ancient Chinese political thought is the idea of a hierarchical power structure, when the ruler is at the top of the pyramid, the people are at the bottom, and management is carried out through a more or less complex system of intermediaries (in earlier periods of hereditary aristocracy, later ministers, dignitaries, officials, etc.), occupying an intermediate status between the supreme ruler and the people. The idea of a hierarchical power structure is based on the idea of separating the ruling and the governed, or the ruler and the people. In Lao Tzu, the idea of the separation of ruler and people is expressed most consistently and fully: the ideal political structure from the point of view of this text consists only of these two elements: there should be no intermediaries between the ruler and the people governed by him (for the theoretical meaning and metaphysical grounds of this division, see: [Moeller, 2006, p. 5-59]) 40.

At least two practical conclusions follow from this observation. First, while none of the Zhanguo period texts welcome popular political activism, they all acknowledge at least the theoretical possibility of vertical mobility, and some suggest more or less concrete and practical ways to implement it, usually based on the principles of meritocracy (for example, "raising the worthy"). shang hsien Mo-tzu , with whom, apparently, Lao-tzu disputes 3, or the system of rewards and punishments in Shang jun shu )41. The ideal of Lao Tzu, whose theory does not imply the existence of intermediaries between the ruler and the people, in principle denies the necessity and even the very possibility of vertical mobility, since in such a State vertical mobility can only mean a change of ruler. Not only does the text not even discuss the theoretical possibility of a legitimate revolt against the ruler (which Meng-tzu theoretically recognizes, but which Xun-tzu warns about the danger of

39 Mawangdu copies instead of the formula "to perform non-action"write" do not act, and that's all "[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 235-237]. This passage is not included in the Godian lists.

40 The topic of the intermediary, however, may be somewhat more complex. Lao Tzu 28 writes: "When simplicity breaks down, it becomes tools; if the perfect sage uses them, then he becomes the head of officials, and thus the great government is not harmed" (Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p.375). Lao tzu 62 mentions the" establishment of the three gongs "by zhi san gong (in Mawangdu copies, the" three qins " by san qing [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 129]. Finally, Lao tzu 30 says that "he who helps the ruler of the people with the help of the Tao does not conquer the Celestial Empire with the help of an army" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p.381]; also Lao Tzu's Godian list A:7). In all three cases, "officials", gunas (qins) and "those who help the ruler of the people" occupy an intermediate position between the ruler and the people, but their functions and status are not defined in any way, and in the first and third cases, it is also unclear how they came to be in this status.

41 Ideas about who should occupy the status of intermediaries between the ruler and the people, how and at the expense of what qualities to achieve this status, what functions to perform and what powers to possess are fundamental differences between theories (for the principles of meritocracy in the pre-imperial period, see [Pines, 2013(1)]).

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42, but also consistently rejects all mechanisms that may lead to additional stratification of society, including actions that may lead to the emergence of such mechanisms.

Secondly, the absence of a layer of intermediaries to whom it would be possible to delegate some of the powers makes the mechanism of power implementation non-trivial. Lao-tzu's concept of Wei wu-wei 's "doing nothing", which is a practical expression of the more general concept of "naturalness" of Tzu 43 and the associated ideas about the effectiveness of softness and weakness, modesty and self-abasement of the ruler, 44 and especially the ability of society to organize itself, just solve the problem of how one person can rule by the state, without resorting to the help of the apparatus. There is nothing paradoxical about the seemingly paradoxical nature of Lao Tzu's approach to solving political issues: being one-on-one with the people, the ruler does not have many ways to remain a ruler.

But how should the people treat the ruler in general? Ideally, no way. Lao Tzu 17 writes:

The best ruler is the one that the subjects know (only)about that it exists. The next one after him is the one who is loved and praised. The next one after him is the one who is feared. The next one after him is the one who is despised.

When trust is not enough, distrust appears. Be restrained, value your words-and success will come in business, and the people will speak: "We are like that in our own right."

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 305-308] 45.

This passage is crucial for understanding the relationship between the ruler and the people. If in the passages analyzed above it was said that the ruler should reduce the area of contact with the people as much as possible, then the perspective changes and the text says that from the point of view of the people, there may not be any contact at all: it is enough if the people know about the existence of the ruler. Moreover, in some versions, instead of the xia character, the character bu (i.e.,) is used, which translates the phrase as follows:" The best ruler is the one who is not even known to exist " [Bo - shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 305-306]. But in any case, even Qin 's affective attachment and sense of kinship with the ruler, not to mention Wei 's fear of his greatness and, of course, Wu's contempt , mean degradation from the ideal.

The text, however, does not say that the people do not need a ruler, at least in their current state (as it was shown above, on the contrary, the ruler has very specific tasks and functions) - the people just should not know that they need one (see also: [Schwartz, 1985, p. 212; Feldt, 2010, p. 328]). The people do not need to know that they are being governed: even if they know that there is a ruler, they are not required to understand why he exists.

To a large extent, Lao Tzu 66 summarizes the meaning of the ruler's policy towards the people:

42 I note, however, that the topic of the legitimacy of an uprising against the ruler does not appear very often in Zhanguo's texts.

43 For the meaning of the tzu ran concept, see Liu Hsiao-gang's articles on Lao Tzu, for example: [Liu, 1998].

44 See, for example: Lao Tzu 7, 28, 29, 30, 34, 39, 46, 61, 66, 67, 78.

45 The phrase is found in Lao-tzu's Guodian list C: 1-2, with minor modifications.

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Rivers and seas can be lords of a hundred valleys, because they know how to rank below them - so they can be lords of a hundred valleys. Thus, if a perfect sage wants to be above the people, he always puts himself below them in words; if he wants to be ahead of the people, he is always physically behind them. Thus, the all-wise man takes his place at the top, but the people do not feel his weight, takes his place in front, but the people do not suffer damage. Thus, the Celestial Empire is happy to support him and does not get tired (of this). Since he doesn't compete with anyone, no one in the Middle Kingdom can compete with him.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 145-149] 46.

As far as possible, the ruler should keep a low profile and position himself appropriately for the people. The thesis that being "at the top", the ruler should not burden the people, and being "in front", should not harm them, can be read as the credo of the economic policy of the ruler, and the provision on the rejection of competition - as the credo of social policy. Both statements, of course, are interrelated and even interdependent in the context of Lao Tzu's philosophy and represent a single approach to government.

In this regard, Lao Tzu 68 is very significant - the only Zhang in which the expression "using people" by yun ren is mentioned:

A good warrior is not belligerent. A man who knows how to fight does not give in to anger. Those who know how to defeat the enemy do not meet them. A person who knows how to use people puts (himself) below them. It is called "te without struggle", it is called "using the power of men", it is called "becoming equal to the Sky", (this) is the limit (reached in) ancient times.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 164-167] 47.

From this passage, it is not easy to understand why "he who knows how to use people" actually uses them. The first three parallel sentences refer to the art of war - perhaps, though not necessarily, "using people" refers to the same field. In any case, however, the only way to influence the people is to show their (apparent?) weakness and dependence on it, and thus gain some benefit from its strength. "Someone who can use people" doesn't force them to do anything. According to the logic of this passage, which corresponds to the logic of Lao Tzu in general, he does not actually use them (just as, for example, "he who knows how to defeat the enemy does not meet him"), but patiently waits "below", and this is precisely his ability to use them "use". It is impossible to achieve more: the expression "to become equal to Heaven" by Pei tian is a ritual formula that means that Heaven is the recipient of sacrifices, and the sacrificer is, respectively, the Son of Heaven by tian tzu 48 This is the limit of political power "(achieved) in ancient times", which cannot be overcome even at the present time.

But what does it mean to be a ruler? What can a ruler in an ideal Lao-tzu state expect in practical terms? Leaving aside the metaphysical argument that equates the ruler with the cosmic forces 49, then

46 The entire Zhang is contained in Lao Tzu's Guodian List A: 2-5, with minor changes.

47 Both Mawangdu versions omit the Li character for " strength "and the corresponding passage reads "it's called 'using people'". The Mawangdu copy of A also omits the pei character, but this is most likely a copyist's mistake [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 164-167].

48 I am grateful to Professor Yu. A. Pines for pointing out this formula.

49 See, for example, Lao Tzu 25: "Thus. The Tao is great, the sky is great, the Earth is great, and the ruler is also great. There are four great people in the state,

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there is not much left: maintaining the status of the ruler and personal security. With the phrase "The Celestial Empire is happy to support him and does not get tired (of it)," Lao Tzu 66 clearly hints at this; other Zhangs, such as Lao Tzu 7, speak about it even more openly:

Heaven and earth are long-lasting. The reason why heaven and earth can be long - lived is that they don't exist on their own, which is why they can last for a long time. Thus, the perfect sage, putting himself behind, turns out to be in front, neglecting himself, survives. Isn't it because he has no personal interests? (On the contrary, exactly) that is why he can realize his personal interests.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 250-252] 50.

The text speaks directly and unambiguously about the physical survival of shen qun ruler as the realization of his personal interests si . The term si appears three times in the text: twice in Lao Tzu 7, and once more in Lao Tzu 19 (quoted above), in the expression " reduce personal interests and reduce desires." Perhaps it is really difficult to reduce your area of interest to more than the level recommended by Lao Tzu 66.

Strictly speaking, the logical connection between the first part, which describes the reasons for the longevity of the cosmos ("heaven and earth" by Tian di ) and the second, about the physical survival of the ruler, is not entirely clear from the text. The reason for the longevity of the cosmos (regardless of whether the expression bu zi sheng is understood as "they do not exist by themselves" or as "they do not generate themselves"51) is probably an allusion to their connection with the Tao. The key to the ruler's longevity is his modesty and moderation, apparently, in relation to his subjects. The parallel between the cosmos and the ruler, therefore, must imply a parallel between the Tao and the people - at least at the level of functioning and relationship of the cosmos / Tao and ruler / people pairs. Since the literal parallel between the Tao and the people seems too bold even for such an amazing text as Lao Tzu, we can speculate that it is a question of some natural conditions of existence, such as the Tao for the cosmos, and the people for the ruler.52
The theme of tszyu 's" longevity " as one of the ruler's goals or priorities appears several times. So, Lao Tzu 16 builds up the following pseudological chain:

The one who understands (the principle) of permanence is all-encompassing; all-embracing is equally related to all; equally related to all is sovereign-vyan, sovereign-vyan is heaven, heaven is Tao, Tao is longevity. Until the end of life (such a person) it will not be exposed to danger.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 302] 53.

and the ruler is Wang, one of them" (Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 351). In some modern versions of the text (the most important of which is the "ancient text" of Fu Yi)," ruler "of Wang SL is replaced by" man " ren , but in most versions, including all handwritten (including Godian lists, bar A: 22 [Godian Chu mu zhu-jian, 1998, p. 4 (photocopy of the bar) and 112 (transcription of the text)]), as well as the editions of Wang Bi and He-shang-gong, is "ruler".

50 This passage is not included in the Godian lists.

51 For the latter version, see, for example, A. Graham: [Graham, 1989, p. 230].

52 See also the conclusion of this article.

53 There is no passage in the Godian lists. See also Lao tzu 44: "He who knows the limit will not be humiliated, he who knows where to stop will not be in danger - so you can become durable" [Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 440-441]. This sentence appears in the Godian lists of Lao Tzu A: 36-37).

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The political context of the statement is quite obvious, but it is even more obvious in Lao Tzu.:

There is nothing like thrift in managing people and serving Heaven. After all, thrift is called "early submission", and "early submission" is called "accumulation of te". If you accumulate te, then (for the ruler) there will be nothing insurmountable, and if (for the ruler) there will be nothing insurmountable, then no one will know its limit. If no one knows his limit, then (he) will be able to possess the state. If it has the mother of the state, it can be durable. This is called "deep roots, solid foundation", it is the Tao of long life and eternal insight.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 114-117] 54.

The passage begins with the justification of economy in public affairs, which ultimately turns into a direct political benefit. However, the ultimate goal from a political point of view ("possession of the state" by Yu guo ) is not the ultimate goal of the ruler: suddenly changing the wording from "possession of the state" to "possession of the mother of the state" by yu guo ji moo , 55 the text says that this way one can become long-lived and even that it is nothing more, nothing less "The Tao of long life and eternal insight. "

Finally, Lao Tzu is even more explicit.:

The reason why great misfortunes happen to me is because I have a body; if I didn't have a body, what misfortunes would I have? Therefore, one who values (his) body as much as the Celestial Empire can be entrusted with the Celestial Empire; one who loves (his) body as much as the Celestial Empire can be entrusted with the Celestial Empire.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 278-280] 56.

Only those who value their own life at least as much as owning the Celestial Empire are worthy of owning the latter. With the phrase "the reason I have great misfortunes is because I have a body, " the text immediately puts the dots on the question: compared to my own life, everything else is secondary. Only understanding this can make it possible to function as a ruler [Lau, 2001, p. XXXII-XXXIII].

The above excerpts are enough to answer the question of what a ruler can expect if he follows Lao Tzu's instructions: guarantees to stay as long as possible, first, alive, and second, as a ruler. The idea that Lao Tzu is a survival text is not new in itself. In Western languages, it was voiced half a century ago by Dim-chek Lau, for whom survival is what the text can generally offer a person in a world full of explicit and hidden threats and dangers [Lau, 2001, p. XIV-XV; see also: Hsiao, 1979, p. 282] 57, although in his analysis, he noted and

Lao Tzu 54 59 appears in the Godian lists of Lao Tzu in: 1-3 with minor changes, but with the political context preserved.

55 Like other metaphors in Lao Tzu, the phrase "mother of the State" is open to various interpretations. For example, Han Fei-tzu , ch. "Jie Lao" first interprets it as Tao, and then explains that it refers to the "technique of state ownership" by yu guo zhi shu [Han Fei-tzu ji-jie, 2003, p. 140-141].

Lao tzu 56 13 appears entirely in the Godian Lao Tzu lists in: 6-8.

57 One of the most consistent opponents of this idea is Benjamin Schwartz, for whom the text primarily expresses mystical ideas [Schwartz, 1985, p. 192-205, 214-215]. Cf. Franklin Perkins ' observation that all the goals set in the text are exclusively worldly

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a threat to the ruler [Lau, 2001, p. XXVI]. Angus Graham placed the idea of survival in a political context: for him, Lao Tzu is an instruction for the ruler of a small principality to survive in the face of a constant threat of annihilation from stronger neighbors, i.e., political survival (although the seizure of the principality, of course, also threatened the life of its ruler) [Graham, 1989, p. 234]. Both interpretations are justified in their own way, but the first does not take into account that all or almost all passages that speak about survival and "longevity" are directly addressed to the ruler, and the second-that a significant part of them speak specifically about physical survival, and none, at least explicitly, about the" survival " of the principality - on the contrary, most of the statements on the "foreign policy" topic are more likely to promote an expansionist policy, namely, "mastering the Middle Kingdom" 58.

Thus, when Lao Tzu talks about survival, he is talking about the survival of the ruler, and in the state that Lao Tzu sees as his ideal. To such a ruler, Lao Tzu promises neither fabulous riches, nor popular love, nor public honors - on the contrary, he must give up all this or, more precisely, exchange it for a guarantee to rule until old age (more precisely, until death from natural causes)59.

Lao Tzu 60 begins with the following words:

Running a big state is like cooking small fish.

[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, p. 188] 60.

The most popular interpretation of this sentence is to read it as a recommendation to the ruler to be careful and use caution and/or interfere less with the cooking process, since excessive diligence can spoil the product (see, for example: [Hsiao, 1979, p. 296; Lau, 2001, p. XXVII and 89; Liu Tse-hua, 2014, p. 323]) 61. But perhaps the text also means something else: managing a large state is a troublesome task, and the output result is no more than a small fish 62.

The people in the ideal state of Lao Tzu are comparable to a natural phenomenon, or rather a landscape, a terrain: they are there, and they are what they are. The ruler is obliged to take into account its peculiarities, can adapt to them and even make some adjustments, but the last thing he has to think about and count on is that the people owe him something and will be happy to offer him something in return for his worries.

The ruler should not burden the people either with himself personally or with state affairs - this can go sideways for him. Interestingly, the text doesn't contain a nickname-

They relate to such human needs as longevity, peace, and prosperity, and "unity with the Tao" is not positioned as a goal in itself [Perkins, 2014, p. 10-101].

58 For a discussion of various aspects of owning and mastering the Middle Kingdom, see, for example, Lao Tzu 28, 29, 35, 48, 52, 54, 57, 60, 66, 78.

59 Cf. Lao tzu 33: "He who has not lost his place is long-lived; he who has died, but has not perished , is long-lived "[Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 40-404]. The Mawandui versions of "lost" wang write "forgotten" wang , and some other versions - "reckless" wang . These three homonyms are used interchangeably in ancient texts [Gao Heng, 1997, pp. 31-316, 318; analysis and arguments of Gao Ming in favor of the first reading, see: Bo-shu Lao-tzu jiao-zhu, 1998, pp. 404-405]. One can ask how attractive this proposal might have been for the appanage rulers of the Zhanguo period: assassinations of rulers during this period were relatively rare, especially when compared with the previous Chunqiu period (771-543 BC) (I am grateful for this observation to Professor Yu.A. Pines (personal conversation)). Nevertheless, the theme of concern for the ruler's safety also appears in other Zhanguo texts, most clearly in the text of Han Feizi [Pines, 2013 (2)].

60 There is no passage in the Godyan lists.

61 An alternative reading of this phrase is "Running a big country (as easy as) cooking a small fish"; i.e., the process is so simple and natural that anyone can do it [Bender, 1990, p. 135].

62 I do not insist on this interpretation, but in the context of the analysis it looks quite logical.

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There are no direct threats a la Xun-tzu, but rather insistently repeats the idea that a ruler who wants to live long should teach himself to be modest in every sense of the word, ideally - to remind the people of his existence less often.

All the texts of the Zhanguo period speak about the passivity of the people in the political sense, and almost all-about the passivity of the ruler, implying the undesirability of his active intervention in the affairs of government. One of the explanations for this peculiarity of the Chinese thinkers ' approach to understanding the political process is their practical involvement in political activities. A rare philosopher in ancient China built his theories about state governance, without seeing himself as personally implementing them in the status of an intermediary between the ruler and the people. It is logical to assume that these people were interested in not being hindered, on the one hand, by the ruler, and on the other - by the people. The peculiarity of Lao Tzu is that his approach denies the existence of intermediaries in principle. Behind his ideas of the passivity of the people and the ruler, there is no idea that the actual management process should be handled by people who are between the first and last - Lao Tzu leaves the ruler alone with the people.

* * *

With few exceptions, the analysis of Lao Tzu's political views in the Western scientific literature at least touches on, and often boils down entirely to, the extent to which Lao Tzu's political philosophy is or can be qualified as anarchism (see, for example: [Hsiao, 1979, p. 298-299; Schwartz, 1985, p. 210 and 213; Bender, 1990, p. 139-140; Feldt, 2010; Rapp, 2012; Stamatov, 2014]) 63. From my point of view, the very formulation of the question is incorrect: anarchism as one of the European socialist doctrines arose in certain historical conditions, fundamentally different from ancient China. In particular, the rejection of the state by anarchists is essentially a denial of a very specific form of political organization, a state of the modern type that has developed in Modern times, which did not exist and could not exist in China at the time of the writing of Lao Tzu64 Therefore, works defending the thesis "Lao Tzu is an anarchist text", as a rule, are full of stretch marks, and refuting it leaves a feeling of understatement. In a strange way, however, both of them ignore the detail of the political theory of the text that may actually be relevant to this discussion, namely, the lack of obligations of the people towards the ruler. For my part, I do not want to say that this detail makes the whole theory of Lao Tzu anarchist, but only that the very thesis that the people have no responsibilities whatsoever in relation to the existing political structure is anarchist in both spirit and letter.

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"Tao te ching" / Trans. and comm. Yang Hin-shun // Drevnekitayskaya filosofiya [Ancient Chinese Philosophy], vol. 1, Moscow, 1972, pp. 114-138, 312.

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63 In 1983, the Journal of Chinese Philosophy devoted a special issue to the question of the relationship between Taoism and anarchist philosophy, publishing reports from the symposium" Is Political Taoism an Anarchist Theory? "(Boston, 1980; see references).

64 Alex Feldt's article is extremely revealing in this respect: having presented arguments about the problematic nature of raising the question of whether Lao Tzu's philosophy corresponds or does not correspond to the theory of anarchism [Feldt, 2010, p. 327-329], he nevertheless placed his analysis within the framework of this particular discussion.

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