Part Four

In the second and third parts of this paper [Kucera, 2004 (1); Kucera, 2004 (2) only a few questions of the history and culture of China during the Shang-Yin period were covered, since the amount of information contained in the texts of fortune-telling inscriptions is so extensive that it could not fit in two articles. Nevertheless, it seems to me that the answer to the question: what is jiagu, posed in the first part [Kucera, 2003, p.45], has been given in principle. In this work, I will focus on Shang Shu, one of the two oldest Chinese sources, along with Shi Ching, which contains a whole section consisting of 17 chapters, not counting 15 lost ones, called Shang shu - "Records of the Shang Dynasty" [Shang Shu, 1957, vol. 3, ch. 8 - 10, p. 259-359]. This is the largest compact work in terms of volume, telling about the specified period.

Initially, the monument did not have a common name, and after its appearance, it underwent significant changes. Thus, in the Chunqiu period (722-403 or 770 - 476 BC), when quoting him, the names of only certain sections were used: Yu shu (lit. "Records of the [tribe] Yu ", in fact - "Records of the first rulers"), Xia Shu ("Records of the [dynasty] Xia "), Zhou shu ("Records of the [Dynasty] of Zhou"), and Shang Shu. In the Zhanguo era (475/403-221 BC), a common title appeared - Shu ("Records") It was only during the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-220 A.D.) that the first name, Shang Shu, emerged and is still used today. In it, the hieroglyph shang - "senior", "ancient", "old" [BKRS, N 6326] - is identical to another sign-shang - "upper", "higher", "senior", "past", which in combination with shang has the meaning" deepest antiquity"," archaic" [BKRS, N 137], so the name generally means Shang di wang zhi shu - "Records of ancient rulers" (Wang Chong, 1954, ch. 80, p. 273). In the Shi Ming dictionary compiled by Liu Xi (II-III centuries), the name of the monument in question is explained as follows: "Shang shu. Shan means shan (see the identification given above). [The book is so named because it] records the affairs of the time of Yao (one of the legendary rulers of China of the third millennium BC - S. K.), and they are the oldest beginning [of our history]" [Liu Xi, 1929-1937, ch. 6, ch. 20, p. 47a].

It is obvious, however, that the key role in the name of Shang Shu is played by the character shu, since it is found in all the variants of this name given above. Meaning "book", "letter", "act", "document", "records" [BKRS, N 2419], etc., in modern language it is primarily used in the first meaning ("book"). This fact, apparently, had a psychological impact on translators, who began to use this meaning to convey the name, for example, "The Book of History" , etc. Meanwhile the shu sign acquired this value quite late,

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most likely in the Han era, when real books began to appear after the invention of paper. At an earlier time, it was synonymous with the sign zhu - "write", "compose", "compose". "Shu is zhu" is explained in the dictionary of Sho-wen tse-tzu, and the commentary adds: "Writing (zhu) something on bamboo [slats] and [pieces of] silk is called shu" [Xu Shen, 1986, ch.3b, p. 117/22a; BKRS, N 2419, 2656, 2648]. Similar interpretations are found in other ancient dictionaries, such as Shi Ming and Guang yun [Liu Xi, 1929-1937, ch. 6, ch. 19, p. 46a; Guang yun, ch. 1, ch. 9, p. 16].

A specific example of the use of shu in this sense is the inscription on the Song Ding, a bronze vessel from the time of the Zhou Gong-wang (946-935 or 927-908 BC), where, in particular, there is the phrase:" [The dignitary] yin-shi handed [Sun] the text / record of Wang's order (wang ming shu) [Guo Mo-jo, 1957, vol. 6, p. 72]. Here the igu, of course, can not mean the concept of "book" in any way, because the order of the ruler had the character of a short official document, not a book. The early meaning of shu is even clearer in the following passage from Li ji: "The actions of [the Son of Heaven] were recorded (shu) by the left historiographer, [his] words were recorded (shu) by the right historiographer" [Li ji, vol. 23, ch.29, p. 1301]. For comparison, I will quote J. R. R. Tolkien. Legge: "His actions were written down (here and below I emphasize - S. K.) by the recorder of the Left, and his utterances by the recorder of the Right" [The Sacred Books..., 1966, p. 2, 5] and S. Couvraire: "Ses actes etaient note s par le premier secretary, et ses paroles ou uses ordres par le second secretary [LiKi..., 1913, vol. 1, p. 678-679].

Such materials can be cited much more, but I will refer only to one very authoritative Swedish scientist, B. Karlgren (1889-1978). Reconstructing the ancient work of shu, he also explains its meaning: "write, written document, script, graph "[Karlgren, 1940, p. 137. 45 t-v]. So, there can hardly be any doubt that in all variants of the title Shu, Shang Shu and Shu ching, as well as in the names of parts of this source, the sign shu means "record".

Thus, taking into account all that has been said above, it can be argued that the title of the work in question should sound like "Notes on the Past" instead of the traditional translations of "The Book of History". "Book of Documents", "Historical Records", "The Book of Documents", etc.

The second name-Shu jing ("Canonical Book of Records of the Past")-appears in Chinese literature mainly in the names of collections of monuments 1, when Shang Shu is mentioned together with other books. The first such case, as far as I know, is recorded in Chuang Tzu, where this monument is listed as part of the Liu Jing ("Six Canonical Books"). During the alleged meeting of Confucius (551-479 BC) with Lao Tzu" (VI-V centuries BC?), the former said: "I, Qiu (name of Confucius. - S. K. ), put in order (i.e. edited. - S. K.) The six canonical books (Liu jing) are Shi [jing], Shu [jing], Li [jing] (at that time and li. - S. K.), Yue [jing], and [jing] and Chun-qiu" [Wang Hsien-qian, 1954, ch. 4, ch. 14, p. 95; Guo Qing-fan, 1954, ch. 14, p. 234]. Here all the works are marked with the same character (with the exception of Chun-qiu) and the word jing is added everywhere by me. However, this is not an arbitrary action - there are certain grounds for it.-

1 It can be noted that, for example, in the valuable bibliographic section Sui Shu (compiled in 636-656), where all the information about the books known at that time is collected, 32 titles related to Shang Shu are listed, and the history of the latter is described, but the name Shu Jing is not found once. This phenomenon is even clearer in the Song Shi (compiled in 1343-1345), which is the largest of the 26 dynastic histories and therefore contains an extensive body of literature. There are 60 names in the corresponding section, and although there are variants of them, for example, Da Zhuan, Zhou shu, Xin jing shu, etc., there is not a single Shu Jing among them [see: Wei Zheng et al., 1982, vol. 4, ts. 32, pp. 913-915; Toto et al., 1977, vol. 15, tsz. 202, pp. 5042-5044]. It was only in Ming Shi that I was able to find examples of the use of the name Shu jing individually in 13 out of 88 names [see: Zhang Ting-yu et al., 1984, vol. 8, ts. 96, pp. 2351-2354].

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vania. First, the general title: Liu jing indicates that its constituent parts are also jing. Secondly, it is known that Shi, Li, Yue, Yi, and even Chun-qiu were indeed called Shi jing, Li jing, etc., and Shi, Yue (despite the fact that its text was lost) and Yi are still called so today. This suggests that Yi Shu can be properly understood as Shu jing.

However, the official recognition of Shang Shu as a canon occurred later, in 136 BC, while Chuang Tzu lived between about 369-286 BC. In this year, the Han emperor Wu di (140-87 BC) by the highest decree introduced a kind of academic (official) title Wu-ching boshi is a "Connoisseur of the Five Canonical Books", which included: Zhou yi (i.e., I ching), Shang shu, Mao Shi (Shi ching), Zuo-shi Chun-qiu, and Li ji (Ban Gu, 1982, vol. 1, ch. 6, p. 159]. It is this act that is considered the origin of the term Wu jing and probably indirectly Shu jing. The final understanding of Shu as Shu jing seems to have been the result of the gradual expansion of the Han Wu Jing to the Ju Jing ("Nine Books") and Shier Jing ("Twelve Books") in the Tang period (618-907), culminating in the Song period (960-1279) with its transformation into a collection of 13 books, referred to as the Shisan Jing ("Thirteen Canonical Books", abbreviated as "The Thirteen Books") [Qiu Han-sheng, 1987, pp. 370-372].

According to tradition, once there were 3 thousand chapters in Shang Shu, but then Confucius selected and edited 100 of them, as reported by Sima Qian (c. 145/135 -? BC) in the biography of the thinker [Sima Qian, 1982, vol. 6, ts. 47, pp. 1935-1936]. It is currently impossible to confirm or refute Shi ji's information, since neither the original text, no matter how many chapters it contains, nor the version of Confucius, nor even the version of the Zhanguo period, when, according to modern Chinese scholars, the "Records" received the final design, have come down to us.

The Han Dynasty, which succeeded Qin, almost immediately after coming to power, took care of the restoration of lost monuments. The main role in the revival of Shang Shu was played by the Qin scholar Fu Sheng (260 -? BC), who hid the monument in the wall of his house during the burning of books in 213 BC. Besides, he probably knew some of it by heart. After the Han Dynasty was established and the country was calmed down, Fu Sheng took out the sealed text, from which, unfortunately, several dozen chapters were still missing, and began to teach it orally to his students Zhang Sheng and Ouyang Sheng. When Emperor Wen-di (179-157 BC) took care of the book's fate, it turned out that there were no experts left in the Middle Kingdom, with the exception of Fu Sheng, who was already a very old man. Then Wen-di sent his confidant Chao Tso (200 - 154 BC) to him to receive the text of Shang Shu. As a result, 28 or 29 chapters were restored, and Fu Sheng himself, according to Sui Shu, compiled the Shang Shu zhuan ("Records of the Past with a commentary on Zhuan") from 41 chapters, which, apparently, were also soon lost, because they are not named in Sui Shu among them. Shang Shu texts that were in circulation in the Sui period (581/589-618). Fu Sheng's text was written in hieroglyphs that came into use during the Qin-Han dynasties, so he received the name Jin-wen Shang shu, which literally means "[Text] of Shang shu, written in a modern (i.e. Han. - S. K. ) writing style "[Sima Qian, 1982, vol. 10, ch. 121, pp. 3124-3125; Ban Gu, 1982, vol. 11, ch. 88, pp. 3603-3604; Wei Zheng et al., 1982, vol. 4, zz. 32, pp. 913-915].

The second source of restoration of Shang Shu was the wall of a house, this time - the former home of Confucius in Lu (modern times). Shandong). The local ruler decided to demolish it to expand the territory of his palace. In the wall of the house found numerous bamboo strips with texts made in ancient characters. It turned out that Li ji, Lun yu, and Xiao Jing were recorded on them, as well as Shang Shu. After the restoration of the Shan

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shu, undertaken by Kun An-guo (II century BC), a distant descendant of Confucius, gave rise to Gu-wen Shang shu -" [Shang Shu, written in the ancient style, is 16 chapters larger than the Jinwen version. This circumstance marked the beginning of centuries - old disputes between supporters of the two schools - Guwen and Jinwen-and the interpenetration of their ideas. As a result, a combined version appeared, which has reached the present time. But the Guwen part of it is an apocrypha compiled in the period of the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317-420) by a certain Mei Tse, and not the Han original [Chi Hai, 1980, vol. 2, pp. 2554, 2988].

Concluding the bibliographic study of Shang Shu, I note that this monument in the modern academic edition of Shisan jing zhu-shu ("Thirteen Canonical Books with commentaries") in 40 volumes, published in Beijing in 1957, has 58 chapters, including 33 considered authentic and 25 being a later apocrypha. In addition, the table of contents lists the names of another 31 lost chapters, which adds up to 89 chapters, 11 fewer than the one edited by Confucius. They are divided into four sections, the names of which were already given above.

Shang shu is not a chronicle, but a narrative source that reflects the history of China from the legendary, from our point of view, the rulers of ancient times Yao (2357 - 2258 BC) and Shun (2255 - 2208 BC) to the Qin Mu-gong (659 - 621 BC).As the French sinologist S. Couvreur wrote about it: "Le Chou King n'est pas une histoire proprement dite; mais un recueil d'anciens documents relatifs a l'histoire de la Chine" [Couvreur, 1934, Preface, p. 1]. Nevertheless, it is a valuable monument, without knowledge and use It is impossible to conduct serious research on the ancient history of China, because it contains a lot of very early material, recorded, perhaps, in the VIII-VII centuries BC.

This work is devoted to the Shang-Yin period, so reliable chapters from the Shang Shu section - "Records of the Shang Dynasty" - have been selected for translation. The translation was made on the basis of the academic edition and with the preservation of the arrangement of chapters in the original [Shang Shu, 1957, vol. 3].

translation

Shang shu - "Records of the Past" Part 3. Shang shu - "Records of the Shang Dynasty" Chapter 1: Tang shi - "Instructions of [Cheng -] tang"2 [Shang shu, 1957, vol. 3, tsz. 8., ch. 1, pp. 259-264].

[Dignitary] Yi-yin 3, [acting as] the first adviser to [Cheng-]tang, assisted [him] in the punitive campaign against Tse 4 . [They] from [the area of Mount] Er 5 went up [the river] and then

2 This chapter, which tells about the events of the XVIII century BC, was compiled no later than the V-beginning of the IV century BC. This is evident from the fact that it is quoted by Mencius (c. 372-289 BC) [Mencius, 1957, vol. 39, ts. 1a, p. 25]; for Cheng-tan, see the first part of this work [Kucera, 2003, p.43, N 14/1].

3 I-yin( I-zhi, Ah-heng), the first adviser of Cheng-tan and a distinguished official, according to legend, was a slave who became the servant of Cheng-tan's wife, and thus found himself surrounded by the latter. He has gained perhaps the greatest popularity among the so-called honored officials of the Shang-Yin dynasty, and his name is often mentioned in ancient Chinese books [Shang shu, 1957, vol. 4, ch. 16, ch. 18, p. 588; Mengzi, 1957, vol. 40, ch. 9b, p. 406; Sun Yi-zhan, 1954, ch. 2, ch. 10, p. 41; Chu ci, 1953, vol. 2, ch. 3, p. 20b; Anthology..., 1957-1958, vol. 1, p. 177; Sima Qian, 1982, vol. 1, ch. 3, p. 94], as well as in divination inscriptions [Kucera, 2004(1), pp. 29-30].

4 Jie, otherwise known as Lu-gui , was the last ruler of the Xia Dynasty (2205-1766 BC), who was on the throne, according to traditional chronology, in 1818-1766 BC.e. Chinese historiography presents him as a tyrant and libertine.

5 Ershan, or Leishoushan (its name has changed several times), is a mountain at the southwestern tip of the Zhongtiao Shanmai massif in Yongji County, China. Shanxi on the Sushuihe River (Tsang Li-he, 1982, p. 672; ZHGHP, 1983, p. 5, G. 2).

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We fought with Jie on the fields of Mingtiao 6 . [On this occasion], [the text of] the Instructions of [Cheng-]tang was compiled .7

Comment I: Zhu-shu ji-nian a, p. 9b, 10b].

Di-gui. [His] name is Jie. The 31st year of his reign (1788 BC)8 . [Troops] Shang from [Mountain area] The Er went on a campaign [against] the Xia city 9 . [On the way, they] defeated Kunwu 10 . [During a very powerful thunderstorm with heavy rain, the battle of Mingtiao took place. The Xia army was completely defeated, and Jie fled to Sanzong11 . Shang warriors attacked Sanzong; the battle took place in Cheng 12 . [The Shang] captured Jie at Jiaomen Gate 13 and exiled him to Nanchao 14 .

6 Mingtiao, also known as Gaohouyuan, is the name of a locality north of the city of Anizhen near Yongcheng in southwestern Shanxi (Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 1143; Ci Hai, 1980, vol. 2, p. 1691; ZHGHP, 1983, p.5, F 2, 3). It was located northeast of Ersani.

7 See: [Shang shu..., 1957, vol. 3, ch. 8, ch. 1, p. 259]. The translated fragment is Shu xu - "Preface to [Shang -] shu". In an academic publication, it opens the corresponding chapter, thus being an integral part of it. There are, however, some publications in which the chapter begins with the passages that follow, so, for example, S. Couvreur did not translate it at all, and J. R. R. Tolkien did not translate it at all. Legge did this separately from the chapter itself [SHSHCHV, vol. 1, zz. 5, p. 60; Couvreur, 1934, p. 101; CCSK, 1939, p. I, Preface, p. 4].

8 The chronology of Zhu-shu ji-nian differs from the traditional one. In particular, the 31st year of Jie, according to Zhu-shu ji-nian, falls on 1558 BC. The length of Jie's stay on the throne does not coincide either: 31 years here and 53 years-according to tradition [CHVLN, 1937, p. 3; CCSK, Prolegomena, p. 125-126].

9 J. Legge translates the expression Xia yi as "the capital of Hea" [CCSK, Prolegomena, p. 126], but this interpretation seems unlikely. According to Zhu-shu ji-nian, the capital of Jie was the city of Zhenxin, which Chinese researchers localize in the center of the prov. Henan, just west of its administrative center Zhengzhou. To go there, Cheng-tang's army would have to cross to the southern bank of the Yellow River, and then move east [CHLDI, 1985, p. 9-10, P7]. Such a route seems extremely unlikely, although theoretically acceptable. Still, it is preferable to assume that the campaign was directed against some settlement in the territory of Shanxi, where both Ershan and Mingtiao were located.

10 The mention of the defeat of Kung fu, a fact that in itself does not cause doubt, since other sources also speak about it, for example, the authoritative Shi Jing [Mao Shi..., 1957, vol. 10, ch.20, ch. 24, p. 1938], leads here to some ambiguity. By the end of the Xia Dynasty, the Kunu tribe lived in what is now China. Henan, 80-90 km south of Zhengzhou [Tsang Li-he, 1982, p. 470; Ci Hai, 1980, vol. 2, p. 3171; CHLDI, 1985, p. 9-10, (3) 7, p. 15-16, (3) 7, p. 17 - 18, (2)5; ZHGHP, 1983, p. 18, P5], therefore, the Shang army could not have defeated him "on the road" from Ershan to Mingtiao. I see two possible explanations: either this information was contaminated by two close but different events, or the Kunus troops were something like the vanguard of the Xiao Jie army, designed to block the path of the Shang soldiers and defeat them, or at least weaken and delay the general battle with the Xia. In any case, the result was the same - the Kunwu tribe, an ally of Xia, suffered a crushing defeat.

11 The term Sanzong as such is not found in dictionaries, but the following explanation can be found under zong: "Sanzong. The name of an ancient state. ...Now it is Dingtao" [Lo Zhu-feng, 1999, vol. 6, p. 1353]. Dingtao district is located in the extreme south-west of the modern prov. Shandong [ZHGHP, 1983, p. 10, D2]. If this identification is correct, it means that Jie, pursued by the Shang army, fled approximately 400-500 km east of the battle site, which is unlikely. In addition, it is unlikely that the Dingtao region was in any way dependent on the Xia and even entered the boundaries of the then "Chinese world". Most likely, it was inhabited by "barbarian" tribes, and this circumstance also makes Jie's flight there not very plausible [CHLDI, 1985, p. 9 - 10, (3)7]. See note 32.

12 Cheng is identified with the city of Ningyang, located in the west of Shandong [ZHGHP, 1983, p. 10, D3], which again causes confusion, since Dingtao and Ningyang are separated by 135 - 140 km. To overcome it on foot, the army needs 2-3 days, so it is not clear why the battle took place so far from the besieged Sanzong.

13 I have not been able to determine whether this gate was located in Sanzong, Cheng, or elsewhere. In addition, since the first character of the name has two readings, it should probably be transcribed Qiaomen (BSIQIA, 1988, vol. 3, pp. 2212-2213; Luo Zhu-feng, 1993, vol. 7, pp. 162-163; Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 922).

14 Nanchao was located in the center of the modern prov. Anhui is east of Lake Chaohu. Dictionaries differ about the specific location: either to the northeast of the county town of Chaoxian, or to the southwest of it [Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 592; Luo Zhu-feng, 1986, vol. 1, p. 899; CHLDI, 1985, p. 9-10,(2) 7; ZHGHP, 1983, p. 13, E4]. In any case, this was the far southern outskirts of Xia (da and Shang), and most likely-the territory beyond the administrative subordination of both dynasties.

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Commentary II: Zhu-shu ji-nian a, p. 11a]

Yin-Shang Cheng-tan. His name is Li (Lu). 20th year of the reign (1764 BC) 15 . Xiao Jie passed away at Mount Tingshan on July 16 , and a ban on stringed instruments, singing and dancing was issued.

Continuation of the translation of the chapter "Instructions of [Cheng -] tang".

[Tan-]Wang said: "Come, you great people; all of you listen to my words! It is not I, a little child 17, who dare to go [on a long journey to] raise a rebellion 18-it is [the clan/ruler] Xia has committed many crimes, and Heaven has ordered me to execute him. Today you, the numerous ones, say: "Our ruler does not spare us, the numerous ones, [makes] us abandon our field work and go on a campaign, [to] punish ourselves." I have heard, of course, many of your speeches.

[But] the Xia clan committed [many] crimes and I, fearing Shang-di [Kucera, 2003, p. 44, 48, note. 9], I dare not fail to punish him. Now you ask: "What are the crimes of the Xia Ruler?": Xiaxia Wang completely drained the strength of [his] people and led to the complete destruction of Xiaxia cities. [Because of this, his] people have become careless and unfriendly and [often] speak: "When will this sun disappear?19 [If this does not happen soon], we will all perish with you!"20 If they are so bad (lit. If these are the moral principles of [the ruler] Xia (Xia te), [then] I must certainly come out now [to punish him]. If you help me , a lonely 21-year-old man, carry out the punishment of Heaven, I will reward you handsomely. You must not distrust [me], I will not swallow [my] words 22 . [If] you do not follow [i.e. obey] the words of [my] instruction, then I will execute you [along with your families] (nu lu zhu) 23 and no one will be spared. " 24

In the Quben Zhu-shu ji-nian, this event is reported in a shorter and more detailed way: "In the last year [of the reign] of Xiao Jie, the altar of the Earth - She (a bad omen foreshadowing the end of the dynasty. - S. K.) collapsed. In the same year, [Tse] was exiled by Tang. Tang then destroyed Xia. Jie ran away to the Nanchao-shi tribe / clan" (Fan Xiang-yun, 1957, p. 16).

I note that the events described above are also reflected very briefly in the Shi Ching [Mao Shi, 1957, vol. 10, ch. 20, ch. 24, p. 1938; cit. by: Shijing, 1957, p. 463]:

In the nine limits of your good order carrying,
He also punished the Wei Principality and the Gu Principality.
After Gong-wu, he also punished the last Xia.
15 According to the chronology of this source, the 20th year of Cheng-tang corresponds to 1555 BC [CCSK, 1939, Prolegomena, p. 129].

16 Tingshan is either Liyangshan (Lishan) in Hexian County, or Wonyushan in Chaoxian County prov. Anhui [Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 575] In any case, it was located near the place of Jie's exile. If the information about Jie wu Tingshan's death was taken on faith, then his imprisonment was not too harsh and he could move within a certain territory. The next phrase about mourning for Tse speaks of Cheng-tang's respect for the defeated enemy.

17 The phrase yi xiao tzu, or yu xiao tzu ("I, little child"), is often used in Shang Shu and other ancient texts as a derogatory self-designation of the ruler and has nothing to do with his age. See note 21.

18 The Shang tribe and its chieftain, Cheng-tang, were formally vassals of the Xia, so the move against Jie had the hallmarks of a rebellion against the rightful ruler.

19 By the sun is meant Jie, whose conduct drains the people as the scorching sun drains the earth.

20 What the Xiaxians probably meant was that the longer Jie's power and misdeeds continued, the more likely they were to perish with him.

21 Turns of Yu and ren-lit. "I, one person", in the dictionary: "we are the only one (the king about himself, in the sign. pronouns) " [BKRS, N 5093] - another variant of the pejorative self-designation of the ruler. See note. 17. It is possible, however, that there was an element of consciousness of the exclusivity of one's own position, something like the ancient Chinese version of l'etat, c'est moi.

22 " I will not swallow (lit. I will eat-S. K. ) my words" - i.e. I will not take them back, I will not deceive you.

23 The phrase nu lu zhu can also be understood as "I will execute you and enslave your families" - such a penitentiary practice existed in ancient China, moreover, it was quite common [see: Kucera, 1972, pp. 167-168]. Cf.below is the conclusion of Pan-geng's speech.

24 These words end the text of this chapter, but there is a continuation in the academic edition, apparently drawn from other sources, which is not found in other publications of Shang Shu and in the translations of J. R. R. Tolkien. Legge and S. Couvreur [Chen Meng-jia, 1985, pp. 192-193; Qu Wan-li, 1993, pp. 50-51; SHSHCGV, ts. 5, pp. 62-63; CCSK, 1939, pp. 175-176; Couvreur, 1934, p.103]. It will be translated below.

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Commentary III: Shang shu. Ch. 2. Xia shu - " Records [of the Xia Dynasty]". Ch. 2. Gan shi-Instruction [Qi before the battle of] Gan [Shang shu, 1957, vol. 3, ch. 7, ch. 2, pp. 237-238] 25 .

Qi [was] to fight [the family of] Yu-hu 26 in the fields of Gan.

[On this occasion], the text "Instructions [of Qi before the Battle of] Gan" was compiled.

[Due to the upcoming] big battle in Gan, [Qi] called together six [commanders of his armies of the rank of] Qing 27 . Wang said, " O you people who command the six armies! ... [Those of you who] carry out my orders will receive a reward in the temple of [my] ancestors, [those who] do not carry out the orders will be executed (lu) on the altar of the Earth; I will enslave [your] families and behead [you [yourselves] (nu lu zhu). " 28

Continuation of the translation of the chapter "Instructions of [Cheng -] tang"

[When] Tang had already defeated Xia, [he] wanted to move the Xia Earth altar 29 , [but it was] impossible to do it 30, [and then he] composed "Xia she", "Yi zhi", and "Chen Hu"31 . The Xiao army suffered a crushing defeat [and fled], and the Tang pursued it. Then [he] attacked [possession] Sanzong 32 and captured his precious jasper 33 . [His courtiers] Yi-bo and Zhong-bo composed the Dian bao .

Gan shi 25 refers to the authentic chapters of the source. The historical circumstances of the utterance of the" Instruction " are clarified by its translation itself.

The area of Gan was located within the present-day Huxian County in the center of the prov. Shaanxi, approximately 35 km southwest of its main city, Xi'an (Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 239; Chi Hai, 1980, vol.1, p. 1041).

26 Qi (2197-2189 BC) was the son of the Great Yu (2205-2198 BC), the founder of the Xia Dynasty, who initiated the tradition of transferring power from father to son, which is why some scholars call Qi the founder of Xia. The Yu-hu family (or Hu) was a namesake scion of the ruling house that rebelled against the power of Qi, and was destroyed in 2195 BC. Gan was located within his domain, so it was there that the decisive battle took place

Qing-meaning "dignitary", "nobleman", " chancellor "(position and title) [BKRS, N 3410] - the highest of the three official titles under the Zhou Dynasty (I millennium BC). Its use here is a clear anachronism, a transfer to the past of later concepts and terms.

28 The philological and historical similarity between Gan shi and Tang shi is striking, which suggests that they share the same authorship. However, Chen Mengjia (1911-1960), a major expert on this subject, refers the compilation of the mentioned chapters to approximately the same time (the beginning of the Zhanguo period, i.e. the V-IV centuries BC), but solves the problem of their authorship in different ways. The authors of the first one he refers to the kingdom of Jin (prov. Shanxi), the second - to the kingdom of Song (prov. Henan; it was considered the heir of the Shang-yin tradition) [Chen Mengjia, 1985, pp. 185-186, 193]. The Sung authorship of Tang shi, in my opinion, seems well-founded, while the arguments in favor of the compilation of Gan shi by the Jin seem to me not convincing enough, but it is not possible to analyze this issue in more detail here.

29 Moving the Earth altar is a cult act that confirms the final elimination of Xia.

30 As the commentary explains, the relocation of the altar became impossible because Tang could not find a worthy person (presumably among his ancestors) who could replace Goulong as the spirit of the Earth [Shang Shu, 1957, vol. 3, ch. 8, ch. 1, p. 263]. Gou-lung, the son of Gong-gong, who was close to Yao, was an expert in matters related to water and land, so in Xiao times he was revered as the spirit of the Earth.

Xia she, Yi zhi 31, and Chen Hu are the titles of three unrecorded chapters in the Shang Dynasty Records section of Shang Shu. They should follow immediately after the translated chapter. Translation of the titles: the first of them "Xia Altar" is accurate, the third " Subject of [Yu -] hu "(cf.note. 26) is quite plausible, while the second one, for example, "Do not dare to come" (and - "doubt", "do not trust", "suspect", "wonder", "do not dare") [BKRS, N 10076] - in the absence of the text, would have a purely speculative character. See also note 34.

32 The commentary gives the route of this flight, which suggests that the defeated Xia army may indeed have reached Shandong (cf. note 11). It is possible, however, that such a path is drawn to explain how the Tang pursuing her ended up in Sanzong.

33 Its value, as the commentary explains, was that it seemed to contain the spirit of sacrifice to Heaven, and therefore it protected against natural disasters: floods and droughts [cf.: Hanyu da qidian, 1993, vol. 7, p. 961].

34 Nothing is known about I-bo and Zhong-bo, except for the comment that they are "er chen" -" two subjects"," two servants " of Cheng-tang [Shang shu, 1957, vol. 3, ch. 8, ch. I, p. 264]. "Dian bao" ("Ritual (?) jewel", see: [BKRS, N 13763]) is another lost chapter that followed "Chen Hu" (see note 31).

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After the "Instructions of Cheng-[tang] "in the" Records of the Shang Dynasty "there are five apocryphal chapters that are omitted, followed by the" Pan-geng " chapter 35-the largest of this section. It consists of three parts, and since the full translation does not fit into the scope of this work, and besides, its second part was already translated at one time [DF, 1972, vol.1, pp. 101-104], I will limit myself to the first part here. It is better than others to draw the historical setting of the events reflected in it.

translation

Chapter 9. Pan-geng [Shang shu, 1957, vol. 3, ch. 9, ch. 9, pp. 301-311]

Pan-geng [decided] to move [the capital of Shang for the fifth time 36 and for this purpose] began to build Bo [as the capital of] Yin. The people grumbled in anticipation of [moving] and, [inciting] each other, blamed [the ruler]. [On this occasion] the Pan-geng was compiled in three chapters.

Comment I: Zhu-shu ji-nian a, pp. 15a-15b].

Pan-geng. [His] name is Xun. The first year of [his reign fell on the year] bin-yin (third year of the cycle; 1401 BC-S. K.) 37 . Wang ascended the throne and settled in Bo. Seventh year [of the board]. Ying hou arrived at court 38 . The fourteenth year. From Yan, they moved to Bay Meng, called Yin 39 . The fifteenth year. [Pan-geng] was engaged in the construction of Yin City. The nineteenth year. Assigned (min-lit. "ordered." - S. K.) by [his adviser] a Bin Hou named Ya-yu 40 . Twenty-eighth year. [Pan-geng] passed away.

35 Pan-geng is the ruler of Shang-Yin, who ascended to the throne many generations after Cheng-tang. The reader will find information about Pan-gen and the Shang-Yin rulers mentioned below in the table placed in part one of this work [Kucera, 2003, p. 43].

According to Chen Mengjia, this chapter was written around the same time as Tang shi, i.e. in the late fifth and early fourth centuries BC in the Song kingdom (Chen Mengjia..., 1985, p. 207).

36 The issue of moving the capital, i.e. the main place of residence of the trenches, is difficult primarily due to the lack of reliable, verifiable data. Sources report that in the period from the founder of Xie to the founder of the Cheng-tang dynasty, it was transferred eight times [Sima Qian, vol. 1, ch. 3, p. 93]. A major expert on Chinese antiquity, Wang Guo-wei (1877-1927), devoted special work to this problem (Wang Guo - wei, 1959).

Cheng-tan's move to Bo (its location is a matter of dispute) it was the eighth in the pre-dynastic and at the same time the first in the dynastic periods. Then Chung-ding moved to Ao, He Tan-chia to Xiang, Tsu - i to Geng, and finally Pan-geng to Yin. In fact, according to Zhu-shu ji-nian, there were more moves, because Tsu-i moved from Geng to Bi, and Nan-geng moved from Bi to Yan, and it was from there that Pan-geng moved to Yin [Zhu-shu ji-nian, ts. a, p. 11a, 13a, 13b, 14a, 14b, 15a]. All these movements took place within the contiguous territories of the modern provinces of Henan, Shandong and Hebei. Only the last of them is well documented archaeologically, because Yin was located in the area of Xiaotong, a major monument that was mentioned earlier [see: Kucera, 2003, p. 45; Sima Qian, 1982, vol. 1, zz. 3, pp. 93, 100, 102; CHLDI, 1985, pp. 11-12, (3) 7, p. 13 - 14, (1)9, (2)9, (3)9 - 11, (4)8, 10; Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, pp. 716-717, 785; CHVLN, 1937, pp. 3, 4]. The PMLN gives specific dates of changes in the location of the Vanir, for example, Zhong-ding-1557 BC, He Tan-jia-1534, Pan-geng-1401 BC, but, objectively speaking, there is no reliable evidence of their accuracy.

37 According to the chronology of Zhu-shu ji-nian - 1314 BC [CCSK, 1939, Prolegomena, p. 135]; cf. note 8.

38 The Yin domain was located in the center of present-day Henan Province, approximately 280 km south of Yin [BSIQIA, 1985, vol. 4, p. 2359; Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 1277; CHLDI, 1985, p. 13 - 14, (5)8].

Arrival at the court (lai chao) It was an act both ritualistic and political, meaning, at least formally, an expression of submission (especially by people from other tribes)and recognition of the supremacy of the Shan state. In the case of a peripherally located In, there is reason to believe that its actual independence was not unduly limited.

39 The connection between the two names, Bei Meng (northern Meng) and Yin, is unclear, as the name Bei Meng is not found anywhere else. In particular, it is not mentioned by Sima Qian, although he pays attention to the fact of moving [see: Sima Qian, 1982, vol. 1, ch. 3, p. 102]. It is also not found in modern dictionaries, and Meng itself is explained only as " Possession of Lu during the Chunqiu period in the Prov. Shandong" (Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 1121).

Binh is the name of a shire located in what is now Binxian County, China. Shaanxi, approximately 110 km northwest of Xi'an [see: BSIQIA, vol. 6, 1989, p. 3759; Tsang Li-he et al., 1982, p. 420; CHLDI, 1985, p. 13 - 14, (3)3].

Nothing is known about Ya-yu.

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Commentary II: Shi ji [vol. 1, ch. 3, p. 102]

[When] the ruler of Yang-chia died, [his] younger brother Pan-geng ascended the throne and became the ruler of Pan-geng. When Pang-geng became ruler, the capital of Yin was already north of the river, but Pang-geng crossed to the south of the river and re-settled in the former residence of Cheng-tang .41 Consequently, [this was] the fifth migration and [the Shants] did not have an established place of residence .42 The Yin people grumbled in anticipation of [moving] and that was all

41 R. V. Vyatkin translated this phrase as follows: "By the time of Emperor Pan-geng, the capital of Yin was located to the north of the Yellow River (here and below I emphasize-S. K.), Pan-geng crossed to the south of the Yellow River and again settled in the ancient settlement of Cheng-tang "(Sima Qian, 1972, p. 172).

Philologically, R. V. Vyatkin's interpretation is correct, because in ancient texts the sign he - "river" [BKRS, N 5055], if it acts as a proper name, really means Yellow River. The fact is, however, that both this translation and Sima Qian's information itself contradict the geographical reality. If you look at the location of the next capitals (without interpreting this word too modernly) of Shang-Yin on historical maps that reflect the result of many years and even centuries of research work of Chinese scientists, it turns out that three of them-Xiang (Shang 3), Geng (Shang 4) and Yin (Shang 7) - were located at the same time. north of the Yellow River, one - Ao (Shang 2) - to the south, the other three-Bo (Shang 1), Bi (Shang 5) and Yan (Shang 6) - to the east or southeast [CHLDI, 1985, pp. 13-14, the area between 113-117° east longitude and 34-38° north latitude; Gu Jie-gang et al., 1955, p. 2, map 3, jia-yi 3-4]. Thus:

1) by the time of Pan-geng, the capital (Yan-Shang 6) was located not to the north of the Yellow River, but to the east;

2) moving from Yan to Yin meant crossing the Yellow River from east to west or from south to north, but not from north to south;

3) Yin cannot be identified with the capital of Cheng-tan Bo, despite the fact that it was a place of human habitation already in the Neolithic period, long before the appearance of Pan-geng [see, for example, Kucera, 1977, pp. 29, 32, 59, 64].

It is possible that these contradictions can be resolved by a detailed study and, most likely, different interpretations can be obtained, but this is not possible in the framework of this work. Therefore, I will offer only one working hypothesis. The territory of Yin-xu, the ruins of the Yin capital, is located on both banks of the Huanhe River, but it is generally accepted that its true center was located in the area of the modern village of Xiaotun, on the southern bank of the Huanhe (see: Kucera, 1977, p. 42). If we assume that Sima Qian simply meant "river" (i.e., Huanghe) by he, and not Huanghe, then at least the information about "crossing to the south" is true. See note 43.

42 This statement of Sima Qian is exaggerated, and even more so it should not be interpreted as recognition of the nomadic way of life of the Shan people. The five moves in 365 years that separated Pan-geng from Cheng-tang, i.e. an average of once every 73 years, are not very frequent changes. Such phenomena have occurred in many countries throughout the history of mankind and were caused by various reasons, and not at all by the habit of wandering. Real nomads did not build cities at all, because their transfer is impossible within the technical means of nomads.

There is one circumstance associated with these movements, which usually remains out of the researchers ' field of view. We are talking about the fact that the movement took place over long distances, for example, from Shan 1 to Shan 2-approximately 190 km from east to west, from Shan 2 to Shan 3-180 km to the northeast, from Shan 4 to Shan 5-almost 200 km to the southeast, but the most the long way was just at Pan-gen-250 km to the west. The trenches did not do this blindly, but knew exactly where they were going and why they were going there. Obviously, they knew their country well, the area of which was at least 100 thousand square kilometers, although they did not have any maps at their disposal. The latter, if you believe the records in ancient Chinese sources: Shang Shu, Shi Jing, Lun yu, Zhou Li, etc., could have appeared during the Western Zhou Dynasty, but what exactly did the tu hieroglyph used there mean - "plan", "scheme", "map", "drawing" [BKRS, N 3019] "it's impossible to say. In jiaguwen, this sign, as far as I know, is not found, but its inner part is found (in the reading of bi - "wild", "rough", and as tu - "drawing"," plan"," plan" [BKRS, N 2985] is a toponym or designation of neighborhoods, border areas, and suburbs [Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 120, 217].

Tu appears in the inscriptions on bronze vessels, and quite early, already during the Kang-wan period (1078-1053 or 1004-967 BC) [TSMSH, 2001, p. 325, N 5047], and although some scholars are inclined to give it a modern meaning, its real meaning remains unclear. Apparently, the origin of some form of cartography took place in the bowels of West Zhou society, but its appearance in a more or less mature, albeit primitive, form should be attributed to the Chunqiu period (VIII-V centuries BC), if not Zhanguo (V-III centuries BC) [Wang Yun, 1955, p. 38-42].

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they blamed [the ruler], not wanting to move [to a new place]. Then Pan-geng [decided] to declare to the ruling princes (Zhuhou) and to the highest dignitaries [his will], saying: "In the distant past, [my] great predecessor Cheng-tang, together with your ancestors, put the Celestial Empire in order; according to [their] example, [we] should (ke-lit. "we can" - S. K.) improve ourselves. [If] we reject [the example of our ancestors] and make no effort [to follow it], [then] how can we achieve perfection in virtue?" Following [his speech, he and all the people] crossed over to the southern [bank] of the river, founded [the capital of] Bo 43 [and began] to pursue the policy of [Cheng -] tang. After that, the people calmed down, virtues (tao-lit. ([BKRS, N 11099] - S. K.) Yin blossomed again, Zhuhou began to come to court, [and all] because [Pan-geng] observed the virtue of Cheng-tang. [When] the ruler Pan-geng died, [his] younger brother Hsiao-hsin ascended the throne and became the ruler of Hsiao-hsin.

Continuation of the translation of the chapter "Pan-geng"

Pan-geng [decided] to move to Yin, [but] the people did not [want] to go [there] to live [in a new place]. [Then Pan-geng] gathered all the discontented and addressed them directly. He said: "Our ruler 44 came here( i.e., to Yan. - S. K.), changing [in doing so] his residence to the local places (Nan-geng came to Yan from Bi/Shang 5. - S. K.). [He did this because] he respected the people and did not want to change his place of residence. [to be] completely exterminated [in Bi, because people there] couldn't help each other 45 . [He] turned to the oracle 46 [to] find out [the matter of moving], and received the answer: 'It must be as I [intended] '" 47 .

"[When] the former Vanir had [any] business, [in carrying it out, they] respected the will of Heaven. Because of this, [they still] didn't have a permanent peace of mind, didn't have their own permanent city [to live in]. So far, [we] have had five capitals (ban-letters. five states, five destinies [see: BKRS, N 3553]. - S. K. ), [and if] now [we] renounce the inheritance of antiquity, [then we] will not even know [that we] have lost the mandate of Heaven; what can we say [then that] we could they follow the exploits of the former Vanir? Just as new shoots appear on a fallen tree stump, so the Sky will extend our mandate

43 This Bo should not be identified with Cheng-tan's Bo, although it is written in the same hieroglyph [BKRS, N 12342]. Cf. note 41.

44 The commentary makes it clear that wo wang, "our ruler," is Zu-yi, but this interpretation, in my view, is incorrect. Tsu-i, as shown in the note. 36, lived in Geng (Shang 4), and in Yan (Shang 6) to Pan-geng was the capital of Nan-geng, apparently, he is meant here.

This phrase is essentially incomprehensible, since there is no information about what or who threatened Bi (or Geng, if we still accept the version that wo wang is Zu-yi) and why people could not help each other there.

46 There are a large number of place names on fortune-telling bones, but with the exception of the Great City of Shang, there are no capital names listed above. This is probably due to the fact that the custom of recording the performance of the divination rite, as can be judged from the available jiagu, began only under Wu-ding, the 36th of the 44 Shang rulers, and at an earlier time it did not exist, and therefore the appeal to the oracle, which is reported by Shang Shu, on bones not recorded (Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 85-134). It is possible, however, that this means some other form of divination unknown to us.

47 One of the great difficulties faced by the translator of ancient Chinese texts, and Shang Shu first of all, is the syntactic and even more logical division of the text. In this particular case, it is difficult to tell from Pan-geng's speech when he is talking about his predecessors and when he is talking about himself. For example, I attributed the last phrase to Nan-gen and therefore translated it as" [He's] converted." With this interpretation, there is one perplexity. The oracle's answer in the original is qi zhu yi, where and is a first-person singular pronoun: "I, my" [BKRS, N 2324]. And then the translation looks much smoother: "[I also] went to the oracle to find out [the relocation issue], and [I] got the answer: 'This should be as I [intended]'". This is how Legge understood the passage: "I have examined the matter by divination, and obtained the reply -" This is no place for us "" [CCSK, 1939, p. I, p. 222]. S. Couvreur followed the path of a streamlined and far from the original formulation: "La tortue a ete consultee; elle a repondu:" Quelles ressources trouverons-nous ici?"", retaining it in the Latin version: "Testudo consulta respondit:" Hic locus quomodo nos (juvabit)? ""[Couvreur, 1934, p. 132]. Nevertheless, the context inclined me towards the version given in the text.

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[only] in this new city, [and we] will inherit and continue the great deeds of the former Vanir and be able to pacify [all] the four borders [of our country]."

[So] Pan-geng instructed the people, beginning with [those who] held [high] positions, using the constant affairs of antiquity [to] put in order the laws [of his time] .48 [He] said: "Let no one hide [from me] the exhortations (i.e., protests. - S. K. ) of ordinary people."

Wang then ordered all 49 officials to report to the palace. Van said so: "Come here, my friends! I will give you my instructions. You think through (letters. plan. - S. K.), [how] to get rid of your intentions, do not be arrogant in following [only] your own peace of mind. In ancient times, our former rulers also tried to use (lit.: appoint - S. K. ) distinguished and distinguished people [to] jointly decide the affairs of the state 50 . [When the former] rulers announced [instructions to the people on how] to improve, [they] did not hide their desires. The Vanir used [those whom they] greatly respected, [for they] had no superfluous words, 51 [and so] the people considered great changes desirable. Now you are showing ignorance, raising [violent] protests [and spreading] malicious rumors, and I do not know what you are complaining about.

It is not I, it is not I, who, [wishing to migrate], neglect this [inherited from the ancestors] virtue , it is you who conceal [my] virtue [from the people] 52, not fearing me, the only one, [but] I [see your thoughts as clearly] as I see fire. Yes! I also made stupid plans [and this] caused (lit. created by-S. K. ) your misdeeds 53 . If the net is stretched on a frame, then order reigns and there is no confusion (i.e., the normal process of catching fish is going on. - S. K.); if the peasants work in the field and are diligent in the harvest ,then [as a reward they] receive the autumn [harvest]. [Similarly, if] if you can purify your hearts, instill real virtue in the people, and bring it to [your] relatives and friends, then [you] will be able to (lit. dare, have the courage. - S. K.) to utter high words and have accumulated good deeds. [Now, don't you] fear the bad consequences [of your unwillingness to move to Yin] that await you far and near? 54 [Then are you not like] careless farmers who are idle, who do not make an effort to do [their] work, who do not cultivate [their] land, and who end up without bread? You do not [utter] conciliatory and benevolent words in front of the people (i.e., you do not calm down the people who are agitated by the news of the move. - S. K.), [and by this] you are poisoning your own life. You, the destroyers and destroyers, the troublemakers and traitors, you bring trouble on your own head (lit. on your own body. - S. K. ). You have already harmed the people of 55 before, [but you have presented all the bitterness of this to [me]! When will [understanding the need for your] remorse reach you?

48 One of the slogans proclaimed by Mao Tse-tung during the "cultural revolution" was also gu Wei - jin - "use antiquity for the benefit of modernity." As you can see, this approach has a long history. It shows how the past is intertwined with the present in China.

49 In the original: zhong - "crowd", "mass", "people", "society" [BKRS, N 9564], but the commentary explains that we are talking about Qun chen - "ministers", "retinue", "subjects", "servants" [BKRS, N 4125], and this option is accepted in the translation, because it better matches the context.

50 For the cult of honored officials in the Shang-yin era, see the second part of this paper (Kucera, 2004(1), pp. 29-30).

51 "They didn't have any extra words" means that the Vanami-respected officials didn't talk unnecessary nonsense.

52 This means that the officials, without explaining to the people the reasons that prompted Pan-geng to make the decision to move, thereby caused ferment and confusion.

53 Self-criticism of the ruler is in line with the ideas of the ancient Chinese about the relationship between power and the people. Cf. the text related to note 61.

54 It is possible that the last phrase should be understood as having a causal relationship with the previous one ("...good deeds") and translated as follows: "[and then] you [can] not be afraid of much harm either far or near, changing the continuation accordingly: "[and you will not be like] lazy farmers..."

55 Pan-geng probably means that his associates were the first to learn of his plans before the people, and by opposing them, they created a precedent of disobedience, confused the people and thereby harmed them, and earned the epithets that he gave them in the previous phrase ("destroyers", etc.).

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Look at these hypocritical people! [Pan-geng went on to say]. [You] still look at each other [in the face of my] instructions 56 and utter ill-considered words, even though I control your life and death (lit. the length of your life. - S. K.). Why do you not address me, but only mutually excite each other with fictions - you are afraid to dissolve (lit. drown. - S. K.) in the crowd? If a fire is raging in the steppe [and it is] impossible to approach it, then how can [it] be extinguished? [Isn't it also impossible to put an end to the fictions you spread?]57 . It is you, the numerous ones, who create your own planlessness (i.e., you do not know what you want, and this causes you anxiety. - S. K.) - this is not my fault! Chi Ren 58 once said these words: "[If you need] a person, then they look only for [someone who is] older; [when you need] a thing, they don't look for an old [thing], but only a new one!". In ancient times, my [ancestors -] former Vanir and your grandfathers and fathers, [maintaining friendly relations], rested together and worked together- [unless now] Would I dare to resort to lawlessness [to force you to transmigrate to Yin]? [For] generations, there have been (lit. they were listed. - S. K.) your merits, and I [also] do not hide (do not infringe. - S. K. ) your kindness. Now I offer a great sacrifice to the former Vanam, and your ancestors will participate in it .59 Whether they bring us good fortune or bring us misfortune, I will never dare to resort to wrongdoing. I [only] inform you of the difficulties [and warn you about them], for as if I were shooting a bow, I have [my] goal. You should not bully the elderly and adults, nor weak, disadvantaged children, [speaking out against moving].

Each of you has already lived long enough in your [current] home, [and now] exert your strength and submit (lit. listen. - S. K.) to my, a lonely person, plans.

60. If you commit a crime, I will execute you, and if you show virtue, I will encourage your kindness. The well-being of [our] state is [only] your, my, [merit]; the ill-being of [our] state is [only] the result of [the] omissions [in the application of] punishments [committed] by me, a single person .

[So] you numerous ones should definitely pass on my instructions! From now until the days to come, [let] each [of you] respect your responsibilities (lit. - S. K.), properly takes up his post and [firmly] holds his mouth, [otherwise] the punishment will reach you (lit.: your body. - S. K.) [and your] repentance will become impossible 62 ".

56 That is, instead of listening carefully and reverently to Pan-geng's speech, the officials exchanged knowing, mocking, or censorious glances, thereby expressing disapproval of his plans.

57 The added phrase that logically completes the Pan-gen parabola is taken from the commentary.

58 Chi Ren is a mythical figure, an ancient sage, whose name, as far as I know, is not mentioned anywhere else except in this place of Shang Shu [Lo Zhu-feng, 1994, vol. 10, pp. 1233-1234].

59 For a specific form of sacrifice - the mian-pei rite - the addition of secondary recipients to the main one, see a separate paragraph of the second part of this paper (Kucera, 2004(1), pp. 30-31).

60 The formally simple, seemingly short phrase of the original: wu yu yuan er, literally meaning "no distance and proximity", is extremely difficult to translate, since it is not known whether it has a spatial, as above in the text, or a temporal (long and recent) meaning and how it relates to the context. J. Legge interprets it separately: "There is with me no distinction of distant and near" (CCSK, 1939, p.231). A different, unexpected and even rather strange interpretation was offered by S. Couvreur: "Je traterai indistinctement parents et etrangers: je punirai..."; returning, however, to the actual meaning of the passage of Shang shu in the Latin version: "Non erit (distinctio) remoti et propinqui: qui admittent..." [Couvreur, 1934, p. 139]. It seems to me that the interpretation I proposed above is more logically combined with the context of Pan-geng's speech and the historical realities of his time.

61 See note. 53 and related text. Cf. also the conclusion of Cheng-tan's speech.

62 Acceptable translation option: "[and you will] not be able to correct [your mistakes]".

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Conclusions

The four parts of this work, of course, could not cover all the issues of the history and culture of Shang-Yin China, but a number of problems of this period, as it seems to me, still received a fairly complete reflection.

First, the difference in the language, style, grammar, and other historical and philological areas of the Jiaguwen and Shang Shu texts is immediately noticeable, which clearly shows the archaism of the former in comparison with the latter. If we take into account the graphics of the texts, which, of course, cannot be reflected in the translation, then the primacy of the inscriptions becomes obvious: they represent an earlier stage in the development of the ancient Chinese language.

Secondly, the difference in the content side of the materials is very significant. Their analysis, and not only those that were included in these articles, but also those that were not included, shows that the range of subjects covered in jiaguwen is significantly wider than the topics covered in Shang Shu. Jiaguwen easily captures a different approach to the world around the Shang ruler, who is preoccupied with everyday state and family affairs, responsible for the present and future of the country, people and his kind, than historically distant observers, such as the authors of Shang Shu, who did not decide anything and were not responsible for anything.

Third, these inscriptions on divinatory bones shed light not only on religious issues, but also on a number of interesting aspects of the social life of the Shang-Yin people, for example, the status of women or the attitude towards honored officials. Even such a limited amount of cited texts shows how valuable and interesting the data contained in jiaguwen is.

Fourthly, two fragments of Shang Shu, together with passages from other sources included in the text commentaries, despite their limited size, quite fully reflect two important events in the history of China at the time under consideration: the foundation of the Shang-Yin dynasty and the last transfer of its capital. Thirty-five centuries later, in our time, the ruins of Yin-xu have become one of the most significant and rich cultural, historical and archaeological sites in China.

And fifth, each of these two sources: Jiaguwen and Shang Shu separately, and even more so together, illuminate many aspects of the life of ancient Chinese, Shang-Yin society and allow us to better understand it and convey this understanding to the reader.

list of literature

Anthology of Chinese Poetry / Ed. Guo Mo-jo and N. T. Fedorenko, vol. 1-4. Moscow: State Publishing House of Fiction, 1957-1958.

BKRS: Big Chinese-Russian Dictionary / Ed. by I. M. Oshanin, vol. 1-4. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura, 1983-1984.

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