II. Family

Using a metaphor, a person has the opportunity to present some complex concept as relatively simple, new - as well-known, abstract-as concrete. The dynamics of metaphorical models is an important indicator of changes in national consciousness.

The metaphorical model of Russia as a family has long been used in Russian political speech. In accordance with the Russian tradition, relations between the state and citizens, between the leader of the country (the tsar, general secretary, president, etc.) and the people, between social forces, between regions and other subjects of political activity can be conceptually represented as relations in a family whose members feel a blood connection and emotional attachment to each other. where the younger ones must show respect to their elders, and the head of the family can, if necessary, punish the unwise. At the same time, almost any family can experience contradictions, mutual resentment and misunderstanding. Family relations are regulated not so much by laws as by traditional ideas about how relatives should act in certain situations. All members of the family are "friends", and if necessary, they should jointly resist "strangers"; in accordance with family ethics, one should stand up for "one's own" regardless of whether one is right or wrong, and certainly not thinking about material or other benefits.

The metaphor of kinship was widely used in the political speech of the Russian Empire (Russia-mother, Moscow-mother, tsar-father, empress-mother, respectively, subjects are children, "beloved children", all Slavs are brothers, Orthodox peoples are also brothers).

In the Soviet era, the model under consideration was brought into line with new ideological needs. Thus, the place of brothers in faith and blood (Orthodox and Slavic peoples) was taken by " brothers in class "(proletarians of all countries) and ideology. At the same time, the concept of VNU kinship relationships was also updated-

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three states: for example, V. V. Mayakovsky discovered that "the party and Lenin are twin brothers", and developing this metaphor, he asked the rhetorical question: "Which of them is more valuable than mother history?". In other cases, V. I. Lenin was already presented as a "grandfather", and young pioneers were called his grandchildren. Stalin was constantly called the " father of nations."

Each new stage in the development of political discourse introduces changes in the patterns of deployment of the model under consideration. The leading conceptual metaphor of the Brezhnev era is a large family of fraternal peoples and fraternal parties (the appearance of new relatives in the communist family could easily be calculated by observing the fraternal kisses of party and state leaders). In those years, it was believed that every Russian citizen feels filial feelings in response to the paternal (and at the same time maternal, in a word, parental) care of the Communist party and the Soviet government.

In the Soviet era, the political metaphor of kinship recreated relationships in an ideal family: in other words, it was not an ordinary family that was modeled, but a kind of ideal detached from real life, something that the parents of the bride and groom dream of: such a family is loving spouses, happy and grateful children, maintaining the best traditions, strong ties between all close and distant relatives, etc.

However, during the period of perestroika, the conceptual metaphor under consideration began to reflect not the ideal, but the most ordinary, if not more frankly, Soviet family with all its internal contradictions, squabbles, minor insults and constant reminders of kinship duties, which everyone understands to the best of their needs, but not others ' capabilities. A family, often incomplete, not original, secondary (that is, with a stepmother or stepfather, with their own children and stepsons), preserved not so much because of mutual love or religious traditions, but because of economic considerations, habit and calculation.

Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, of course, clearly did not reach the traditional "father" or "father of peoples", but he was often called the "father of perestroika", as well as "acceleration": "The father of" perestroika and acceleration " admitted that the goal of his whole life was the destruction of communism "(I. Smolina); "It has long been noted that the" father of perestroika "does not like his heirs very much" (A. Vernoye).

During the years of Perestroika, brothers in the socialist camp increasingly forgot about their former closest relatives and preferred to move into the status of neighbors in the "pan-European house", hoping to be caressed by an overseas uncle. In the "friendly family of Soviet peoples" found older and younger brothers,

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grumpy mother-in-law and disrespectful daughters-in-law; more and more often there were proposals for a civilized divorce: "When older brothers and parents turn away from their younger sons, the children do not get money even to buy ice cream" (N. Petrushenko); " And many nationalists, and not without reason, are convinced that the center, or Moscow, or Russia, squeezes their insides out like paste from a tube. A grumpy mother - in-law should let her daughters-in-law go-suddenly she will look younger herself" (I. Drach); "Since the summer of 1990, Russia has been negotiating with other union republics about a "peaceful divorce"" (F. Shelov-Koverdyaev).

By analogy with the "big daddy", parties, regions and former Soviet republics began to put forward their own "batki", "fathers" and "dads":" Thus, "batka" Kondratenko publicly dissociated himself from calls to vote for Zyuganov" (A. Nagorny); "Only Zyuganov, aka Papa Zyu, can compete with the VVJ" (N. Guzheva); "Belarusian batka won the prize "For Unity and Unity of Slavic Peoples" (O. Ulevich).

In the last decade of the last century, other options for the development of the model under consideration have also become more active.

First, the metaphor of kinship has increasingly been used to refer to criminal gangs, which, following foreign models, have become known as"families". Accordingly, the members of such gangs are "bratki" ("bros"), and their leader is "pahan", or "godfather".

Secondly ,the "family-criminal" metaphor became actively used in political speech: godfathers, ploughmen, brothers, families and clans were also found among politicians: "Rutskoy considers the region a source of enrichment, and the regional budget - its family budget. It is known that in Moscow, in the Kremlin "family", and here the same. The clan that he formed" (N. Ivanov); "The essence of the problem was explained by the radio station belonging to Gusinsky: "We are dealing with an act of state banditry, we are ruled by ploughmen - fingers like a fan, snot like a bubble" (M. Sokolov).

Third, relationships in the economic sphere have become increasingly viewed as family relationships: it has been found that a wide variety of firms, holdings, and companies have parents, sisters, children, grandchildren, and other relatives: "So many subsidiaries, granddaughters, and great-granddaughters have sprung up around Gazprom that the devil himself can break a leg in their relationships." (e. Anisimov): "Big changes are coming in the PMC's favorite brainchild-Gazprom, and the "parent" is being specially removed from Moscow so that it does not interfere with reforms" (A. Gamov); "The government and the oligarchs are not just brothers, but Siamese twins, who, although they have separate heads, have a common digestive system" (Krugloye metro station); "Daughter - to the mother. The relationship between Itera and Gazprom is being investigated by an independent auditor "( O. Gubenko).

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It can be noted that in some modern texts there is also a traditional metaphorical use of kinship vocabulary. So, one of the constant arguments of opponents of selling land is that "the land is the mother, and the mother cannot be sold"; "We all say that after the mother, the second mother is the village" (N. Kharitonov); "We (Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians) we were invincible when we were together. We have common roots, we are a single family " (Vladimir Putin).

In many other cases, phrases with a similar metaphor sound ironic: "There is no need to raise parasites hoping that their mother country will feed them. Our motherland is the same, but our wet nurses should be different-these thoughts, apparently, formed the basis of the new concept of the Ministry of Labor of Russia" (S. Dobrynina); " NTV showed the whole world that they are not just a friendly labor collective, but a strong healthy family, where employees and owners are brothers and sisters" (Y. Bogomolov).

Among the traditional models, a significant place is also occupied by the figurative representation of the union of the country and its official leader. A presidential election can be metaphorically referred to as an engagement, the subsequent period as a pre - wedding, the newly elected president and country as the bride and groom, the inauguration as marriage, and the subsequent period as a honeymoon. An offer to occupy an important state post in our country is often called matchmaking: "Stolnik is a special date for politicians. It is believed that this is how long the "honeymoon" lasts - the period when bride voters are genuinely charmed by their leader-groom. Well, after that, they say, normal married life begins. ... But we can talk about one result of V. V. Putin's pre-honeymoon period right now" (M. Rostovsky); "When Putin gets married to Russia, he takes a stinking corpse with a snarling mouth and bulging wormy eyes on his wedding trip and puts it between him and the bride" (A. Prokhanov).

Grooms rejected in the capital are often offered the" hand and heart "of brides from the provinces:" The matchmaking of Varangians and all sorts of federal celebrities for the provincial government continues. Matchmaking is already underway for next year: former Economy Minister Andrey Nechaev is already preparing for the March elections" (P. Akopov).

A metaphorical marriage with all its attributes can also take place between Russia and another state, and even between the economy of Russia (or its individual region) and foreign investors: "For 10 years, we have had a period of mutual courtship with the Americans. Now - a marriage of convenience" (M. Margelov); "Jiang Zemin made Putin an offer that cannot be refused: namely, to legally formalize a marriage with Russia" (A. Gamov);

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"The economy of the republic can be compared to a rich bride who is waiting for grooms with investments, but may not wait" (N. Stepanov).

Political parties and industrial and financial companies are also often attracted to marriage: "It is clear that" Liberal Russia "is a very "desirable bride" for an alliance with a thoroughbred but poor "groom". Yabloko is most likely suitable for this role " (A. Uglanov); "Marriage with a foreign company allows the "Russian groom" to get a higher credit rating, since the new company's activities will be regulated by European legislation" (V. Seregin).

Political life is no less complicated than family life, and therefore divorces also occur in it: "Divorce. Putin is at odds with Yeltsin's entourage" (S. Babaeva, G. Bovt); "In the "Fatherland - All Russia" bloc, things are going to divorce. The parties, it seems, did not agree on their characters ." Vinnikov).

The material under consideration shows that in recent years the ancient metaphor of kinship is still used in political speech, but not all traditional images have been in demand. In the modern metaphorical system, the "family" appears mainly in two variants: first, as a criminal association; second, as a semi-criminal group of politicians. At the same time, the figurative representation of ties as family relations between states, political parties, or financial and industrial structures is widespread.

The model under study has a strong emotive potential. The "own" and "foreign" families are especially clearly contrasted. Everything related to the" own "clan a priori gets a positive assessment, and everything related to the" alien " - a negative one. Ironic use of such metaphors is also becoming increasingly common. Apparently, the modern political discourse feels the need for conflict variants of the implementation of the model under consideration.

Ekaterinburg.

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